The main additions of the first revolutionary situation, introduced and characterized by V.I. Leninim at the article “Persecutors of the Zemstvo and Anibali liberalism”, to give a statement about the depths and scopes of the revolutionary crisis, which engulfed the most highly manipulative parts of life - the peasant masses, officers’ colleges, students, and various intellectuals , liberal opposition, participants in the Polish national-voluntary movement, too. U tsomu V.I. Lenin vrakhovuє promotes democratic movement in Europe. In the minds, there is a residual self-development and a strong disengagement, entering into a hostile struggle, two victories dating back to the 40s. the main historical forces of the suspile and literary development are the tabir of revolutionary democracy and the tabir of bourgeois-landlord liberalism. “The liberals of the 1860s and Chernishevsky are the representatives of two historical trends, two historical forces, which, to this day, mark the results of the struggle for the new Russia.” Russian revolutionary socialist democracy in the pre-reform era raised the banner of fighting for the freedom of the people, transforming the entire social and political mechanism of Russian life. A.I. Herzen and N.P. Ogaryov. In 1853 p. Herzen, having created "Vilna Russian Drukarnya" near London. On the 1st day of 1857, London emigrants started to see the famous "Dzvoni". This first place of the illegal Russian friend, having gained majestic popularity among Russia, played a prominent role in choosing, vihovanni and її revolutionary forces. Vіn “raising the ensign of the revolution”, “having stood up for the will of the villagers. Rabina Movchannya was destroyed. Herzen, fearlessly like in the 60s. on the bik of revolutionary democracy against liberalism, dreaming about the cleanliness of "socialism" in Russia, like a winemaker among the landed peasants, at the development of communal farming and the cleanliness of the village idea of ​​"right to land."

Russia ahead of the day 1861 the magazine "Suchasnik" flared up on the side of the preaching of the "peasant democrats" M.R. Chernishevsky and M.A. "Call before the revolution" - so naming Dobrolyubov in "Schodennik" for 1859 the sensation of his activity. Ochіkuvannya close to the revolution, inexhaustible zhaga її volodіli and Chernishevsky, scho rozpovіv in their schodennikovih records. A bourgeois-democratic, or raznochinsky, period of the history of the Russian revolutionary-willful movement, and a suspenseful thought, has begun. To replace the revolutionaries from the nobility, distant from the working people, came the revolutionary raznochintsy in Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubim. Rіznochintsі, yakі became mass participants in the literary and suspіlny rukh, they were blood-bound with the people's lower classes, the stench went up to the people and went to the people. "Our support is<…>indistinct masses ... ”- Such a voice of rіznochintsіv, which sounded at the article “Vіdpovіd Velikorus”.

Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov, on the sides of the Nekrasov’s Sovremennik, which they had breathed on, spoke in the name of a radical democratic movement, and in front of them in the name of the powerless peasant masters of the rіznochinnoї іntelіgentsії. Chernishevsky, in his mind, had the minimum of help, having hurried on the transfer to the villagers of the land, what a stink they had at that time, and having seen the savings of the shoes of the tongue, like the primus method, to pay the voucher. Chernishevsky, the theorist of rural utopian socialism, creating a maximum program, talking about the transfer of all land to the villagers, vin "dream about the transition to socialism through the old, feudal, rural community." Well, liberals, K.D. This is how two lines of development of the agrarian-peasant nutrition, which was the fundamental nourishment of the era of preparation for the revolution, were marked. Buv wine and in the center of the respect of Russian revolutionaries and socialist utopists of the 60-70s, Russian advanced literature and journalism, suspense thought.

The revolutionary situation reached its peak in 1861, at the time of the peasant reform in life. The Tsar's Manifesto, February 19, 1861 having said the kripatstvo. Alecia is a “great” reform, writing to V.I. Lenin, - "the first mass violence against the peasantry is at the expense of capitalism, which people grow up in agriculture." V.I. Lenin called її "pomishchitska "cleansing of land" for capitalism." Vaughn appeared to be robbed and deceived the people. Nourishment of the earth, later, no more 1861 p. to the greed of the rich peasantry, which was one of the main causes of the revolution of 1905–1907.

Period 1861-1863 years. given by numerous villagers, which were especially rich in the first month after the urochist denunciation of the manifesto. In addition to that number, there were even great rebellions of the villagers - the Kandeevsky rebellion (in the Penza and chastkovo Tambov provinces) and the rebellion near the village of Bezdna (Kazan province). The rest ended with a mass shooting of the villagers. Podiya tsya shook up the whole democratic Russia, Herzen’s angry voice called out (the article in the “Dzvoni”: “The Bishop of the Bishop, the antediluvian order and the people hooting”). At the Panakhida given by Kazan students for the villagers killed near Bezodnya, Professor of History A.P. building up to political struggle. Victims of Bezodnі, saying Shchapov, call the people until that freedom rises. The professor ended his promo with a speech in honor of the democratic constitution.

In Russia, the democratic intelligentsia is the same in 1861. I was afraid of the announcement. The representatives of the “young Russia” clearly understood the anti-people, enslaving nature of the peasant reform, calling Chernishevsky a “guide”. “Dzvon”, having revealed a bunch of liberal deeds in the assessments of the peasant reform, ale stinks were quickly alive. A series of articles by N. P. Ogaryov with the characteristic title "Analysis of a New Creation, Popularized on the 19th February 1861 in the Regulations on the Peasants Who Came to the Creation" appeared on the other side. The author bluntly stated that the krіpatstvo is not true, the people are fooled by the king.

On the order of the day it became a food about bessrednennya sent to the people with agitation documents, like roses to explain the camp of that task. This is how the first Russian revolutionary proclamations appeared (“To the lord’s peasants in their benevolent lands”, “To the Russian soldiers in their benevolent lands”, “Until the young generation”), which they became, as having designated V.I. Lenin, the original sign of the revolutionary camp that developed in the country. Until the revolutionary propaganda literature of the 60s. leaflets of "Velikorus" can also be seen. Here, a democratic program for the improvement of agrarian nutrition and the transformation of the state structure was reportedly presented. "Great Russian" pointing out the need for military organization and discipline of fighters against autocracy, recommending the creation of conspiratorial revolutionary committees, conveying the inevitability of a wild people's rebellion in 1863.

Prote revolutionary situation 1859-1861 rr. did not explode into an anti-feudal democratic revolution. The main reason for this was considered by the peculiarities of the rural movement at that hour. “Russia has 1861 fate,” wrote U. I. Lenin, - the people, hundreds of fates from slavery to helpers, it is impossible to rise to a wide, open, free will fight. At that time, the village rebellions were deprived of their own, fragmented, spontaneous "revolts", that yoga was easily strangled. The movement of rіznochintsiv-revolutionaries in the minds was not immediately supported by the people. Ale, in view of which the vinyatkove meaning of their struggle has not faded. In the article ""Peasant reform" and the proletarian-peasant revolution" V.I. Lenin seems to say: “The revolutionaries of the 61st fate have lost the same and have known, perhaps, a new shock. In fact, the stench itself was the great playfulness of that era, and as far as we can see it, it is clearer to us their greatness, it is obvious the miserliness, the wretchedness of that hour’s liberal reformists.

The autocracy, mobilizing its own forces, stunned the camp, roaring at once after the voice of the "will" to the planned development of a zhorstkoy reactionary domestic policy. The third division was 1862. the note “About supremacy come in” and after the lamentation of the emperor, they went against the active devils of the willful rush. Having recovered from the village revolts, the reaction fell upon the advanced intelligentsia, at the university and progressive journalism. April 25, 1861 Petersburg, the first street student demonstration took place, on August 12, that police attacked the NATO students who had chosen the university. The order closed Petersburg and Kazan University. Forerunners at that hour kindly understood the link of the student's opposition movement of 1861. from the destruction of rural masses. The workers of "Suchasnik" supported the contacts with the students' gangs. At the article “The Veleten are thrown!”, published by “Dzvon”, Herzen called out the young students to fight for the right people.

At the Lipnya, 1862 the hail of the arrests blew. 7 lipnya buv zaareshtovaniy Chernishevsky. Liberal Kavelin, out of satisfaction, was right about the need to crack down on the line with the revolutionaries. D. Pisarev, M. Serno-Solovyovich, M. Mikhailov and others appeared among the arrestees. Kurochkin, Shelgunov and other writer-democrats.

In the midst of the rout of the reaction, the secret revolutionary conspiracy "Land and Freedom" appeared. Standing at the choir of the partnership was the “Russian Central People's Committee”, to the warehouse of which included A. A. Slєptsov, N. N. Obruch, sings V. S. Kurochkin, G. Ye. Blagosvetlov (editor and contributor to the magazine "Russian Word"), N. Utin. Landowners of the 60s. exhaled the ideas of Chernishevsky and the London Russian emigration. During the “Dzvoni” the Golovna Rada “Earth and Freedom” was created and the collection of money was organized for the mischief of the society. Vono released in 1863. two numbers of the leaflet "Freedom" and was prepared before the release of the first edition of the magazine, which was written in the program of the publication "For the Russian People's Committee". The new one spoke about the opposition forces in Russia, about the prospect of fighting in foreign lands, the need to create a single revolutionary organization.

The ideologists of "Land of that will" were reconquered in the inevitable all-Russian peasant insurrection and jumped to unite all the revolutionary forces in the country, internally round them up and direct them to the reach of the common goal. The Tajmne sspіlstvo led a great and varied revolutionary work, like in St. Petersburg and Moscow, and in provincial towns, putting its members there to propagandize and recruiting new opposition forces, issued a sprinkling of proclamations.

"Land and Freedom" was in fact the first revolutionary party created to support the peasant rebels in Russia. Until leaf fall 1862 p. the process of forming a party of its own kind, the development of theoretical and organizational ambushes is being completed, the strategy and tactics of the peasant revolution are being developed. Chernishevsky, from the summer of 1861 r. and until his arrest in 1862.

The novel "What is work?" Chernishevsky writing from chest 1862 by April 1863 Wanting to win not in the end, having accepted and praised the activity of “Land of that will” and “What work?” not є literal actions of the struggle of the "landlords" in the 60th pp., however, in the book of Chernishevsky - the right assistant of the revolutionary struggle - the idea and organization of the "Earth and freedom" were unquestionably insured and taken away I’m not aware of Chernishevsky’s appearance, which is based on yoga, about the principles and methods of organizing a revolutionary party, about the structure of the Russian arbitrary movement. through the system of images, that compositional feeling of the book, which gave it a special idea and aesthetic vivacity. For Russian revolutionaries, for many generations, the novel has become a programmatic, breathtaking creation. Gromadyanskaya car of Chernishevsky (19 January 1864) turned into a significant demonstration - up to 3 thousand people gathered on Mitninsky Square.

1863-1866 b.b. in Moscow, there was a subdivision of M.A. A. Khudyakova. The Shutints added their pretentiousness to the ideas of Chernishevsky, considering that Pisarev and others were pretentious in their propaganda of "thinking realities", the natural sciences, signifi- cantly saw that the leader of the revolutionary democrats was in service to the people. In the ideas of the Shutintsy, new trends appeared, which are typical for the period of the decline of the democratic period. Ishutіn having taken into account that in order to undermine the autocratic regime and to destroy the revolutionary energy in the masses, it is necessary to go into systematic terror, to tsardom, which leads to a social revolution. Most of the Shutintsiv opposed the negai transition to terror, but one of them, D. V. Karakozov, did not care about the thought of the greater, violating the terrorist act against Oleksandr II. Vіn viїhav to St. Petersburg and 4 April 1866 not far away shooting at the king. Tsya pod_ya became a postal service to a non-streaming rampage of reactionary forces. Karakozov increased. The journal of Sovremennik and Russkoe slovo is residually fenced, student organizations have been dispersed. Ale revolutionary podpillya arose and after the Karakozovsky postril. This is how the St. Petersburg city of Ruble Suspіlstvo was named after F. Volhovsky and G. Lopatin, which set the task of practical rapprochement between the intelligentsia and the people. Gurtok buv liquidated by the power of the fierce 1868 r. Vіdoma is also the activity of another podpіlny group, which otrimav the name "Smorgon Academy". Like before іshutintsіv, the participants of the named organization discussed food about tsardom.

For a decade, there were signs of a new democratic turn of events. Famine of 1867-1868. shouting out the dissatisfaction among the villagers, having plunged into the mood of the advanced intelligentsia. At the birch, 1869 zavorushennya zavorushennya at the great chief mortgages of St. Petersburg. Started vinikati taєmnі gurtki. S. G. Nechaev, who, having expanded the framework of the movement, unsuccessfully tried to establish a close connection with the workers of the Tula sling plant, was connected with the students' movement and activity.

In this rank, even in the years 1861-1864. The revolutionary-democratic movement and strangulations, the protesters continued from Daedal with a greater force of causes, which prepared the revolution. The social forces of the globally democratic movement have folded the core of the advanced Russian thought, the stink of progressive art literature, criticism and journalism. At the center of respect, food for the agrarian-peasantry continued to be depleted, the fight against the survivals of the kriposnitsky was growing. Alas, the struggle was now angry because of the vikritty of the other sides of capitalism, which is developing in Russia, and from the images of the positive hero of the era - an advanced intellectual, a democratic democrat, a revolutionary and a socialist.

In the shares of Russian philosophical and aesthetic thought, science and art, literature, journalism, and criticism, the fates of the preparation of the first democratic presentation and the fates of the revolutionary situation itself were of little or no importance. At the same time, the leaders of the champions of Marxism in Russia - Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov - formed a complete system of philosophical materialism, as it became the pinnacle of the worldly theoretical thought of the pre-Marxist period. The main idea of ​​the system is small revolutionary-democratic and socialist sensation. Vaughn was crying out to such a transformation of the suspenseful way of life, in which the person would take away the opportunity for the full development of her true human traits.

Philosophical materialism of Chernishevsky was angry with revolutionary democratism and socialist ideal, serving as the theoretical foundation of the idea of ​​the peasant revolution and the socialist transformation of socialism. The socialism of Chernishevsky, like Herzen, is utopian. Chernishev's triumph of socialism bachiv at the development of the peasant community, led by the revolution in the fetters of feuds, svavіllya vlady, ozbroєnoї science and technology, fenced vіd vlady capital. Such “muzhik socialism” was no more a dream that vindicated the soil of economically viable Russia. The new development of the “peasant world” at that moment would give rise to nothing more than capitalism, class of bourgeois supremacy. It is impossible for the Prote to become obedient with such an assessment of the Chernishevsky and other Russian socialists of the 60s and 70s. Angering democratism and socialism in one unrecognizable system of looking at its own ideology of the Russian revolutionary-democratic enlightenment became a little bit (before the appearance of a revolutionary social-democratic movement) superbly plausible for the ideological shukan and struggle of revolutionary democrats iv. The ideas of modern utopian socialism lacked a majestic mobilizing and exhaling force;

In his dissertation "Aesthetic vision of art to action" (1855), Chernishevsky created a materialist and revolutionary socialist theory of art. It is directed against idealist aesthetics, the theory of "art for the sake of art", and also against those who, without interfering with the link between art and life, without introducing, however, into the thesis of revolutionary-transformation, socialist sensation. Chernishevsky's vchennya about the revelation of specialness, which reached the full expression of the entire richness of one's human nature, contained in it a revolutionary socialist zmist. Such a “new” person can be formed only as a result of nasledno work over the transformation of his nature, during the preparation of the revolution and after the victory, on the basis of the socialist transformation of supremacy. It is wonderful those, Vchiv Chernishevsky, who pov'yazan zі servants of the revolution and socialism, scho inculcate the ideals of the working people. Such a concept of human specialty was inspired by Chernishevsky in the novels “Who Work?” and "Prologue". The exploitative, unfair way, the material and spiritual impoverishment, the conciliatory vihovannia, that wild one will promote life, and also destroy beauty. "Schoo psuє life, - stverdzhuvav Chernishevsky, - those psuє beauty." Zhodna z esthetic systems svіtovoї philosophical thoughts of the pre-Marxian period did not fit such a revolutionary socialist zmіsta. For a long time - from the 50s to the 80s. - “Aesthetical vision of art to the point of reality” became a flag, a symbol, a software creation for democratic directing of literature and art.

Such combative and materialist directly nabuli and literary-critical stats of the leaders of the revolutionary-democratic movement. Naprikintsy 1853 r. M. G. Chernishevsky began to hang out with “Suchasnik”. At the quarter 1856 I got to know Dobrolyubim, and then we got Yogo as a constant companion to the magazine. At the rocky front of the "gloomy Semirіchchya" (1848-1855), the camp near the "Suchasnik" was occupied by liberal spivrobitniks. Behind them, Nekrasov, at that hour, roared, so that the magazine was supported by the important minds of the reaction, which came after the strangulation of the revolutions of 1848 and the defeat of the Petrashevites. With the arrival of Chernishevsky, that Dobrolyubov camp at the “Suchasnik” is sharply changed. With all his close business and special connections with liberal stakes, Nekrasov invariably encourages new spivrobitniks. "Suchasnik" transforms itself into an organ of Russian revolutionary democracy, and becomes a legal mouthpiece of peasant spontaneity, intensifying the sustained struggle at the fate of the revolutionary situation. Writers of the poets of the nobility stake (L. Tolstoy, Fet, Maykov, Grigorovich, Turgenev) gradually go to the journal, and new spivists of democratic directing (N. Shchedrin, N. Pomyalovsky, N. and G. Uspensky, V. Kurochkin, N. .Shelgunov, M. Antonovich, P. Yakushkin et al.). A new edition of the "Suchasnik" was established at the warehouse of Nekrasov, Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov. Among the authors of "Suchasnik" were th people who were tied up with revolutionary pidpillyam (Polish revolutionary S. Serakovsky, N. Serno-Solovyovich, V. Obruchov, sings M. Mikhailov and ing.). At the same time, its popularity is growing from the updates to the magazine. At 1858 p. "Suchasnik" was among the friends of 4900 conciliators, and 1861 p. - 7126 conciliators. Z 1859 p. as a satirical addendum to "Suchasnik" having begun to appear (by 1863) "Whistle", creations from the initiative of Dobrolyubov.

At the same time, the vinik satirical tyzhnevyk "Iskra" (pinning the date of 1873), which at once from "Suchasnik" developed the ideas of Russian revolutionary democracy. V. Kurochkin and cartoonist N. Stepanov sing as editors and editors of "Iskri". D. Minaev, P. Weinberg, P. Yakushkin, L. Palmin and others were friends with Iskra. The works of Shchedrin, G. Uspensky, Dobrolyubov, Nekrasov and Herzen appeared on the sidelines of Iskri. Success of "Iskri" at the mass reader buv majesty; її circulation in 1861 p. access to 9 thousand copies (1859 - 6 thousand).

In 1854-1856 pp. At "Suchasnik" the situation was tense. Although Chernishevsky is critical of the journal, representatives of liberal-aesthetic criticism (Druzhina, Botkina, Annenkov) criticize the journal for the time being. The first essences of the friends of Druzhinin and Chernishevsky have begun.

Natural critics and liberal writers are trying to get the ideas of the "Suchasnik" and seek Nekrasov's request to the journal for a critic-slov'anophile, a companion of the "Moskvityanin" A. Grigor'ev, who curled up in 1856. Behind their plans, blame the “talentless” and “dry” Chernishevsky. Ale z usikh tsikh zadumіv nothing happened. Naprikintsy 1856 r. Druzhinin pishov from "Suchasnik" and christened the journal "Library for Reading", which pretended to be the organ of the peaceful liberalism. In his main work, directing against the curtains of Belinsky and the ideas of Chernishevsky - Dobrolyubov, - in the article "Criticism of the Gogol period of Russian literature and our views before it" (1856) - Druzhinin, arguing with "didactically u "theory of science (that's how he called the criticism of Belinsky and Chernishevsky), trying to defame his "artistic" theory of art. The editor of the "Library for Reading" affirmed that criticism of the Gogol period (that is, criticism of Belinsky and his followers) turned out to be fruitless.

Other representatives of the liberal-zahіdnytsky criticism did not blindly follow all the vipadas of the retinue's criticism against Chernishevsky. Ale and stinks acted on kshtalt tsієї criticism from the main nutrition. Characteristic in this respect is the program for the entire camp of "aesthetic" criticism of V. Botkin's article about the poetry of Ogaryov and Fet, inscribed on the sides of "Suchasnik" in 1857. The author of the article, against the dissertation of Chernishevsky, vvazha, that the mysticism is brought to such a sphere of the human spirit, Yaku cannot be known. It is impossible for him to create aesthetics as a science, as he explains the laws of the development of science and yoga nature. Art, vvazhaє Botkin, may buti vіlne vіd class struggle, vіd іnteresіv suchnostі, vоvrazhає nezmennі nіnіnі іnіnі power nаtіvnostі narodskoї soulї і, nі consumption lyudіnі. P. Annenkov in the articles “Literary type of a weak person. Shchodo Turgenivskoy "Asi"" and "Romance and description of the common folk in 1853 roci", as well as the treatise "On the Significance of Artistic Works for the Sector" stverdzhuvav action and transfer їх at mystetstvo. "The truth of life" and "literary truth" are broken, їх, on Annenkov's reconciliation, it is impossible to reconcile, the stink of the arithmetic proportion is reversed. On this basis, one blames the “literary guess”, which creates the appearance of life.

Representatives of "aesthetic" criticism with the ensign of their "artistic" theory of art, carrying "objective" creativity and "Olympic" setting to life slandered Pushkin's work, with the high authority of such a stench they hid behind their struggle with criticism of Belinsky, Chernishevsky, Dobrolyubov. At 1855 p. P. Annenkov overruled "Materials for the biography of A. S. Pushkin", which compiled the first volume of the seven-volume edition of the works of the great poet, written by him in 1855-1857. The stench started the scientific development of the biography and textology of Pushkin. Ale, in these works, there were also tendencies characteristic of Annenkov - ignoring the links between Pushkin and the Decembrist revolution, the practice of knowing light-hearted conservative ambush, motives for reconciliation, trying to ask, look at Belinsky’s creative work the essence of the poet.

Literary criticism and journalism of various kinds were widely observed at Annenkov's sight. The controversy about Pushkin's and Gogol's directly, about their role in the literature of that hour, was saved. Nutrients were discussed on the sides of "Suchasnik", "Vitchiznyany notes", "Libraries for reading", "Russian Bulletin". Three of these magazines, "Suchasnik", standing on the positions of the defender and creative development of the realistic traditions of Pushkin and Gogol's directing.

Druzhinin at the article “A. S. Pushkin and the remains of his creations” (1855) having fired up a campaign against Gogol’s straight line. Pushkin's defender opined in the role of a falsifier of the poet's ideological and artistic inspirations, in the role of a critic, who downplays the significance of his creativity. Pushkin in the image of Druzhinin turned into an Olympian, which costs more than school and fight. Druzhinin was echoed by Katkov, who at that time had fallen into the position of a peaceful liberalism. At 1856 p. Vіn having fallen asleep near Moscow, the magazine "Russian Visnik", which began in 1861. staє (like the newspaper “Moskovski Vіdomosti”, which was also founded in 1863 in the hands of Katkov) as an ideological center of a successful and literary reaction. Drukovaniy organ tsієї reaction buv also tizhnevyk "Home talk" (1858-1877) V. I. Askochensky, the name of which at that time became a synonym for Russian journalism with dark hair.

Katkov, seeing himself as the defender of Pushkin's poetry and true art, ascribes to "Sovremennik" a list of art, rightly to name Pushkin's reader as a poet "miti" and as the leader of the "Russian party" (that is the party liberal aliv), in the name of which I spoke "Russian Bulletin" . In Pushkin, according to Katkov, it is impossible to jot down other characters. “Boris Godunov” is less than a “snapshot of all the scenes”. Such Boldinian Pushkin tragedies, and “Evgeny Onygin” is a novel for Katkov, who has been given a piece of low pictures.

"Russian Bulletin" in a systematic struggle against materialism, against the curtains of Belinsky and the traditions of Gogol's straightening, against the ideas of "Suchasnik" and "Russian Word". In the articles “Old Gods and New Gods” and “A Berry of One Field”, published by the “Russian Visnik” for 1861, the philosophy of the rіznochintsіv of Katkov was characterized as charlatanism and arrogance from morality, like preaching vulgar statements about people. Philosophy of Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov "Russian Bulletin" opposing the priestly idealism of P. Yurkevich, the reactionary tvir of the "Sciences about the human spirit" (it was directed against Chernishevsky's "Anthropological principle in philosophy") magazine Katkov strongly popularized on their sides. N. G. Chernishevsky at the article “Polemical Beauty” gave the killer a victorious reactionary-liberal camp.

Characteristic is the position of the peaceful-liberal and barbarous "Vitchiznyanih notes" of the 60s. on chori with A. Kraevskiy and S. Dudishkin. Even though “Suchasnik” ignored the peasant reform, “Vitchiznyani Zapiski” was praised with all its might. Bereznevy issue of the journal in 1861. vociferating with a manifesto, as if deafening with "the blessing of the tsar's word, that you call out to all of Russia after a long night chuvanya until the bright Sunday morning of Russian freedom." The Journal of Kraevskogo stverdzhuvav, that after the voice of the will in Russia is not guilty, but the parties that fight, the opposition to the tsar - all united in the solemn right of the will of the people, as if de reverently accepting the position of the manifesto, that in curve youma way to prosperity.

Prote tsia social idiliya collapsed dyami muzhik, yoga riots, support for the manifesto. These same “Vitchiznian Notes” attacked the people, the “whistlers” and the “cottons” (that is, the revolutionary intelligentsia, the diyachiv of the “Suchasnik”). Dusty in the Dusі Katkov Pubbletsiy “Vitchzniye Notes” (S. S. S. Ghlyuchek Nasamed), “Nigili”, not to be hungry in the Russian, not to know the fact, not to scoop, but abstracts (vol. revolution and socialism). At the gallery of the literary "Vitchiznian Notes" with the words of their head critic Dudishkin they declared their pretentiousness to the aesthetic theory of art.

From the liberal-aesthetic encampment, the talented critic A. Grigor'ev approached, who spoke on the sidelines of the Pogodinsky-Chevirevsky magazine "Moskvityanin", the words of the "Russian Conversation" yanofilskoy. Afterwards, he became a contributor to the journals of the Dostoyevsky brothers ("Hour", "Epokha"). During the period of analysis, Grigor'ev published a number of his works (“About the truth and breadth of science”, “A critical look at the foundations, meaning and acceptance of modern criticism of science”, “Kilka words about the laws and terms of organic criticism”, etc.).

The main principle of his "organic criticism" by A. Grigor'ev, having been theoretically "indirect" and "direct" setting, was to be effective. Under the indirect aims of the critic, the critic is satiric, gogol - chi, as if speaking, "ruffled" - the image of life that appeared in Lermontov, in Gogol's writers directly. At the basis of the true art lies directly, without any middle ground, mitt to action, the essence of which is above “explored”, but “clearly reasonable action”. From the first glance, A. Grigor'ev tlumach the main manifestations of Russian literature. It appears that in Gogol's "zhovchny obureni" and in yoga satire, reconciliation triumphs. Let the cold grip your heart under the hour of reading “The Overcoat”, ale, shout Grigor’ev, “you see that this cold has refreshed and chilled you<…>and in your soul it’s like a urochisto. The light-gazer of the poet, invisibly present in the creation, has reconciled you, having made you aware of the sense of life. Representatives of the liberal-"aesthetic" criticism rejected all prominent writers at that time against the traditions of Gogol's directing, trying to "defeat" Tolstoy, Ostrovsky, Turgenev, Goncharov and Pisemsky in the form of Belinsky and Gogol go to the camp of "Suchasnik" Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov. A. Grigor'ev, vikoristovuyuchi other argumentation, rob those yourself. Vіn kazhe, for example, about the "violence" of Turgenev in the form of "one-sidedness" of Gogol's school. Vіn highly appreciates the novel "The Nest of Nobles", considering that Lavretsky is a man of "Grunt", he gave a positive type to someone, who saw the process of growing national self-confidence, who knew his own expression in the "holy link push kinsk nature with Arina Rodionivna" . In order to understand the program formula of the critic, one should remember that the image of Arina Rodionivna, at a glance, took away the viraz of self-sufficiency, the fundamental foundations of Russian national life. Pushkin is a critic of the sensi ototozhnyuv z Belkinim. Annoying that and others with the Russian ideal of human specialness.

Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov appeared as Pushkin's rightful defenders, and Belinsky's right-bearers until the poet's death, appeared in 1855–1856. also looked at the Annekiv vision of Pushkin's works. Truthfully, the representatives of revolutionary-democratic criticism were impossibly low-minded (think of the literary-suspile struggle at that hour and day, as Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov put before literature, and bring in the richness of materials in life and creativity st Pushkin) fully understand the sense of the spiritual shukan of the great poet . Far from everything was clear in Pushkin's position, especially after the revolt of the Decembrists. But the main line in the critical judgments of Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov about Pushkin was both true and important.

With a simple understanding of the liberal-aesthetic and words of Yanofilsky criticism, Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov spoke about Pushkin and Gogol as about the great children of two different historical periods in the development of Russian literature. A critical struggle flared up near the creativity of її prominent representatives, followers of Pushkin and Gogol. So, in connection with the works of Turgenev, there was a controversy about a positive hero, about the image of the “zavoi lyudiny”. At the statue 1857 p. about the okreme of seeing “The story and the opovidan І. S. Turgenev” (1856) Druzhinin made a typically liberal look at both the “zayva people” and the positive hero in Russian literature. Vіn ready to wait, scho head bіda Rudіn polagaє in nevmіnі pov'yazati word z practical activity. Ale is not a storming critic. On this thought, Rudin's preacher had a lot of untidy hotness, overzealousness, yoga ideals were too high, wisdom, contemporaneity allowed for this. Druzhinin talk about the need for practical work as the foundation of a positive hero's life. Ale practical right Druzhinin razumіє have sensi reconciliation from life. In order to go to the right, Rudin is guilty, on Druzhin’s thought, rise “to the possible that necessary harmony from the middle, like I feel it.”

Such a thought has become widespread in liberal criticism about Turgenev, and Annenkov and Dudishkin have spoken. Remaining at 1857 having acted on the sides of the "Vitchiznyanikh zapiski" 3 article, criticizing Turgenev through those that his heroes do not harmonize with the situation, so they do not attach themselves to it, and that they pretend to be "foreign people."

N. G. Chernishevsky in the article “Russian people on rendez-vous” (1858) raised the problem of the positive hero from the revolutionary right. Esthete critics could not accept evil and would like to characterize Russian liberalism, as Chernishevsky's article has. The stinks have recognized themselves. At 1858 p. P. V. Annenkov at the article “Literary type of a weak person” spoke out against the concept of a positive hero of the author of the article “Russian people on rendez-vous”. Zovnishnyo Annenkov, after hanging out with Chernishevsky, but actually opposed his typical liberal program. He recognized the need for “heroic specialties”, “healthy characters”, “valorous men”. The stench of Russia is not needed, there are no traces of them for the renewal of life. Annenkov, having completed the article with the poetization of the “weak person”, i.e., the “sticky person”, respecting how many weak characters are historical material, life itself is created from a new one, from a new one came and the best huge wild people. Such a conception of a positive Russian fiend was directed against the hero-revolutionary, the generation of “new people”, on which Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov stood.

The struggle flared up like the first works of L. M. Tolstoy. At 1855 p. P. V. Annenkov, poring over Tolstoy and Turgeniev, deyshov visnovka, who is the author of the autobiographical trilogy<…>The Flames of Modern Literature” of Gogol’s Direction. At 1856 p. Druzhinin wrote an article, dedicated to the stories "Zaviryukha" and "Two Hussars". Here Tolstoy was deafened by "an unfamiliar representative of that theory of free creativity, as one gives us a correct theory of any kind of art." V. Botkin tried to take L. M. Tolstoy from Druzhinin at once, and to prepare him for the fight against Chernishevsky. Botkin pragniv vіdvesti Tolstoy vіd life “natovpu”, vіd nіt nіd suschenostі. Like I fell in love with Turgenev, the tabir of revolutionary democracy in the fight for Tolstoy against the liberals. Chernishevsky was impressed that Tolstoy would be more beautiful, as if to go near yoga with Sovremennik. At this plan, Chernishevsky marveled at his critical articles about the work of Tolstoy (“Childhood and youth of Count L. N. Tolstoy”; “Viysk Advice” by Count L. N. Tolstoy, 1856).

Liberal criticism has also attacked such writers as Ostrovsky, Goncharov, Pisemsky and Saltikov-Shchedrin. Ale, unrepentant in all its susilla, won could not ocholit the literary movement. Zreshtoy, none of the great writers-realists follow Druzhinin abo Grigor'ev. Ostrovsky already in the middle of the 50s. zvіlnivsya z-pіd infusion of ideas of the “Moscow” group and becoming an active supporter of the “Suchasnik”, and then “Vitchiznyanih notes” by Nekrasov and Shchedrin. Goncharov was not deeply satisfied with the hoarded remarks of the "aristarchs" about the mastery of verbal painting, the shards of checks were not estimates of the particulars, but the impassioned understanding of his novel "Shaving". Rishuche rose with "aesthetic" criticism already in the 50s. and L. N. Tolstoy. In the region of superbly boules you can see the blues of Turgenev from the camp of liberal naturalists. Turgenev spoke sharply negatively about Chernishevsky’s “Aesthetic vision of art to action” and in the future he spoke with Druzhinin. For the past, the author of “Batkiv and children” highly appreciated the literary-critical activity of the ideological inspiration “Suchasnik”, respecting that in yoga stats one can see “a living strum”, that Chernishevsky is “intelligible”<…>consume a day-to-day life."

The ideologists of revolutionary-peasant democracy - Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov - at their first vantage points voted out loud: advanced Russian literature can follow the great legacy of Belinsky and Gogol, develop them. In the historical and literary work of 1855-1856 r.b. "Draw Gogol's period" Chernishevsky sang out that "Gogol's straight<…>dosi zalishaєtsya in our literature with the only strong and plausible. At a glance, Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov go, for example, to Oblomov, to the comedies of Ostrovsky and to the first works of Tolstoy. The idea was especially marked on purpose, and it had its own expression in the articles about M. Shchedrin's "Provincial Drawings". Ale critics-revolutionaries sack from yoga drawings are not easy to understand the realistic principles of Gogol, like a richer one.

Feeding the need for a new stage in the life of Russian literature after Gogol Chernishevsky put “Which is not the cob of change?” (1861), dedicated to the collection of confession of the writer-democrat M. Uspensky. At the statistics, there is a development of the literature of the previous period and there are new zavdannya, which confirms the formation before 1861. revolutionary situation in Russia. Chernishevsky's article "Why didn't you start to change?" the significance of the literary and political manifesto is small, which singling out the actual task of literature and the progressive democratic intelligentsia in the light of the prospects for revolutionary and voluntary struggle in the post-reform decade. Naturally, she called out to the gostra and trival controversy, as it went not only in the first years after Chernishevsky’s speech (the articles of F. Dostoyevsky, 1861; E. Edelson, P. Annenkova and A. Golovachova, 1864 and in.) and not only creativity i М. (The article by N. Shchedrin “March of the Battle”, A. Skabichevsky “The Live Strumin”, P. Tkachov “The Breaking of Illusions”, 1868; E. Utina “The Order of New Literature”, 1869, etc.) democratic fiction of the 60s. in general.

The literary position of Dostoyevsky is characteristic. Having seen the magazines Chas (1861–1863) and Epoch (1864–1865), they developed “soil” look. Stovpami "priming" boules (Crimea of ​​Dostoevsky himself) A. Grigor'ev and M. Strakhov. Dostoyevsky, having published his article “Mr. is a food about science” at the magazine “Hour”, as if it was directed against the supple-aesthetic program of revolutionary democracy. Dostoyevsky calling out to a wild reconciliation. Russia - qiu, on the yogo perekonannya, the land of the class world - vіn opposing revolutionary Europe, which is torn apart by class antagonisms. Dostoevsky and in the selection of spivrobitniks in his journals, having strayed more than the parties that fight. A. Maykov, L. May, A. Apukhtin, Y. Polonsky were friends on the side of the “Hour”, and N. Shchedrin, N. Pomyalovsky, A. Pleshcheev were in the order.

Dostoyevsky looked up at Chernishevsky's article "Why didn't you start to change?". The book “Chas” published a book with children without the name of the author of the article “Explanation of M.V. ". The author gave his own, "soil" of the clouding of Uspensky's work. In opposition to Chernishevsky, Dostoevsky Dostoyevsky, having affirmed that “the idea of ​​humility before the people”, made it clear that “they have not yet grown up to understand about the people”, he can “smother the description of the people’s butu”. Tse i put їх "on the virny and plіdniy way". However, the bida of writers, as well as all Russian intellectuals, believe that this idea “did not reach the level of public information that needs it”, which led to “recognition of the native soil”.

"Suchasnik" in 1861-1865 pp. strongly speaking out against the “ground” ideas of Dostoevsky’s journals. M. Antonovich, critic-democrat, author of the articles “About the spirit of the Hour and Kositsa, as the best expression”, “Lovely explanation of the Epoch” plays a great role in this polemic. Having taken the fate of the polemics in 1863. and N. Shchedrin (“Erive from polemical articles”, pamphlet “Journal hell”). "Suchasnik", in opposition to Dostoevsky's journals, calling the intelligentsia to get closer to the people, not in the name of humility before them, but in order to prepare for the transformation of the whole of life.

For example, the 50s. D. I. spoke at the criticism. Pisarev. Win did not take a direct part in that polemic, as if flared up with food about Gogol's and Pushkin's straight lines, as well as about Chernishevsky's stati "Which did not start to change?". Not taking part in the polemics between "Suchasnik" and Dostoevsky's magazines. Ale, in his articles, highly appreciated Gogol's, as it was said, "negative" directly in literature. Pisarev, becoming a permanent collaborator for the Russkoe Slovo magazine. The first and second have the fates of the new one panuvav liberal straight. At the Lipnya 1860 yogo manager G. Kushelev-Bezborodko, handing over the editorial staff of the journal to the writer-democrat G. Ye. Blagosvitlov, and for example, the fate of the journal came to the journal Piyshov and Pisarev, which, without a hitch, became an ideological yoga fan. The Russian Word pretended to be a democratic organ, which declared itself an ally of Suchasnik. The journal played a prominent ideological role as a militant organ of Russian democracy, which boldly spoke out against the creed, against the autocracy and the omnipotence of officials, against liberalism, idealism and reaction in literature, against the theory of “mystery for the sciences” ". First of all, the Russian word "Russian Word" highly appreciated the sheet of Belinsky to Gogol (review of Blagosvetlov on the works of Belinsky). The journal propagating natural sciences, technical progress, linking the arts with the impudent needs of the laboring folk masses. On the sides of the "Russian Word" prominent literary figures spoke: M. Mikhailov, Marko Vovchok, G. Uspensky, F. Reshetnikov, A. Pisemsky, I. Nikitin, A. Pleshcheev, D. Minaev and others, and from publicists and critics - D. Pisarev, V. Zaitsev, N. Sokolov, N. Shelgunov, A. Shchapov, P. Lavrov.

D. Pisareva lost his sense of activity, for all his ills, revolutionary-democratic and revolutionary-enlightenment, which is confirmed by his pamphlet on the pamphlet of the hired autocracy of Shedo-Ferrot (Baron F. Firx), which robbed Herzen. At the clerk's statute, there was a cry at the door to the liquidation of the Romanov dynasty and the Petersburg bureaucracy. For this masculine ledge, Pisarev paid with the fates of being enslaved at the Peter and Paul Fortress. Ale Pisareva is not traced and distinguished from Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubim. On top of them, I’m not a “peasant” democrat-socialist, an ideologist of the peasant revolution. Zim appeared weak sides in the eyes of Pisarev, yogo colivannia in the roman role of folk masses and revolutionary methods of struggle, reassessment of the importance of intelligence, the so-called “realist”, and natural knowledge, etc. on the aesthetic literary and critical positions of Pisarev.

The controversy of 1864–1865, which broke out at the initiative of N. Shchedrin (“Our Suspicious Life”) and V. Zaytseva (“Stupid People, We Spent in the “Suchasnik””). between “Suchasnik” and “Russian Word” and other important literary and aesthetic and supple meals (about “Batkiv and children”, about “Thunderstorm”, about the aesthetic look of Chernishevsky and yoga novel “What work?”, about the work of Saltikov-Shchedrin) showed in the house a decrease in the ideological level of the activity of the advanced intelligentsia for the minds of the decline of the revolutionary movement on the edge. Chernishevsky in "Suchasnik" was replaced by M.A. Antonovich, who took the most active part in the superechtsі z "Russian Word". Characteristic, for example, is the controversy between magazines about another view of Chernishevsky's dissertation "Aesthetic vision of art to action" (1865). M. Antonovich was the first to look at the “Suchasnik” for a meeting. Vіn in a flash, verily judging about the aesthetic look of Chernishevsky, although the article “Modern Aesthetic Theory” does not have that revolutionary pathos, which is the power of the author of “Aesthetic Vіdnosin…”.

Have 60 rocky. the authority of science has risen even higher. It was directly molded under the infusion of the robots of the Russian revolutionary democrats. Nutrition linking science with modernity, with practice, with the needs of the people stood at the center of the respect of our advanced Russian society and prominent Russian scientists. Zim pov'yazana wide popularization of scientific knowledge by the best magazines at that time. With such popularization, the following churches also acted: I. M. Sechenov, A. N. Beketov, K. A. Timiryazev, A. G. Stoletov, N. I. Kostomarov.

Vinyatkovy's interest in the Russian progressive community, especially young people, was revealed in the 60s. to the natural sciences. Їx propagandist for 40 pp. speaking Herzen. Vznachne mіsce sered diyachіv prirodoznavstva 60s. lie i. M. Sechenov, author of the book "Reflection of the Brain" (1863). The materialist ideas of practice have gone to the flesh and blood of the young generation. I have a thought that Chernishevsky created Sechenov's image as a prototype for the image of Kirsanov, one of the main characters in the novel "Who Works?". V. O. Kovalevsky, founder of evolutionary paleontology, propagandist of the Darwin theory.

V. Kovalevsky was spiritually formed on the works of Herzen and Chernishevsky, he was a participant in the Polish and Italian national-volitional movement. With the leading ideas of the analyzed era of engagements, and K. A. Timiryazev, who was among the 60s. by publishing the book "A Short Sketch of Darwin's Theory". І іnshі glorious names of Russian scientists - D.I. Mendeliev, A. M. Butlerova, A. G. Stoletova, F. A. Bredikhina, S. Kovalevskaya - also related to the era of the 60s.

The ideas of Russian revolutionary democracy gave a big boost to the development of art. In the 60th pp., as V. Stasov said, "mystery felt itself to be a supple force." Stasov himself, a spiritualist and a wise mentor to the Wanderers and composers of "Mighty Kupka", was a characteristic representative of the era. He named Belinsky, Herzen, Chernishevsky, Dobrolyubov, Pisarev as his ideological stoners.

At the fall of the leaves 1863 in the Academy of Arts, the vinic conflict - 14 її young vyhovantsiv on cholі z І. Kramskoy left the Academy, organized the "Artist Art", which woke up until the beginning of the 70s. n. Її changed the "Association of Peresuvnyh Art Exhibitions", which ignited its activity in 70 years. Similar creativity could be blamed for the influx of ideas of the 60s. under the influence of Chernishevsky's novel "What work?". Ale, not less than an organizational form, but also a supple-aesthetic platform of artists who united, was introduced by the era of the 60s, and then the 70s, which passed under the sign of the revolutionary struggle, the convergence of the intelligentsia with the people, realism in art that literature.

Similar processes have been developed in Russian music. For example, the 50s. M. A. Balakiryev’s gurtok, names Stasov’s “Mighty purchase”. Її diyachі (Mussorgsky, Borodin, Rimsky-Korsakov, Kuї) perebuba under the influx of advanced ideas of their hour. Particularly great is the role of forming their positions by looking at Belinsky, Herzen and Chernishevsky. Pragnennya to realism, high ideology and nationality, courage at the jokes of new forms, hostility to musical cosmopolitism and official routine, the desire to bring music closer to Russian literature and folk art, to actual nourishment of the present - the axis of which sank the representatives of the "Mighty Kupka".

Have 70 rocky. a populist ideology is being formed in that її specific expression, as if she took herself away from the rock. “Panouchim directly,” write V.I. Lenin, - the populism has become a clear point to the dawn of raznochintsya. Riznochinets-populist of the 70s. representing the interests of a dribny virobnik, for us in front of the peasant masses.

In 1868-1869 pp. on the sides of the newspaper "Tyzhden" was published under the pseudonym P. L. Mirtov "Historical leaves" P. Lavrov (1823-1900), one of the largest ideologists of the revolutionary populism. At 1870 p. stench came from Russia with a creamy book. In this main practice of populism, there is a talk about “critical thinking of specialty”, that is, about the intelligentsia as a vital factor in progress. Vaughn was called by the masses of the struggle for the socialist transformation of society. P. Lavrov vvazhav that "the progress of a small minority of purchases involuntarily large". To that wine, having called the intelligentsia, the minority is illuminated, the evil is confused. “I know,” Lavrov said, “for myself, for the crooked price of my development, as if I live my development for those who will change evil in the present and future.” At the robot, “What kind of recession are we driven by?” V.I. Lenin uncovered the sub'jectivism and idealism of Lavrov's vchennya about the vital role of the intelligentsia in the development of society. Tsya situation did not respect V.I. Lenin was called P. Lavrov a "veteran of revolutionary theory."

In 1873 p. with a group of his followers (“propagandists”), Lavrov fell asleep on the emigration magazine “Forward!”, And in 1875. having made it like an addition to the new double-eyed look “Forward!”. In these countries, the ideas of the Lavrist faction of populism were carried out (preparation for the revolution along the path of forward socialist propaganda among the people). Alece did not respect Lavrov and his comrades to attach great respect to the Russian and international robotic movement, the I International. P. L. Lavrov himself, taking part in the podia of the Parisian commune, being a member of the First International, being especially familiar with K. Marx and F. Engels. Magazine "Forward!" highly estimating the activities of the “Pivdenno-Russian Robotic Union”, publishing the famous promotional work of the robotic worker Peter Aleksiev, in the litopis of the robotic movement, the most important influences in the life of foreign socialist parties and their press too.

At 1869 p. M. Bakunin's (1814-1876) "Staging of Revolutionary Nutrition" appeared behind the cordon, and in 1873 - the book "Statehood and Anarchy". As the laurists with the greatest pompousity hung on the populist doctrine of the intelligentsia, as a propagandist of socialism among the people, as a major factor in progress, then the Bakuninists in the most different way formulated the populist faith in the birth of revolution, communist instinct ty Russian villagers. Bakunin, having taken into account that the “socially revolutionary youth”, i.e., the advanced intelligentsia, can’t help the people not to prepare for the preparation of a far-off revolution, but to gain the right to raise the villagers negligently and to thwart the village rebellion. The Russian people, venerable Bakunin, are living in such a soulful camp, that nothing can be done, be it a village. The Russian people hate whether a form of power, an anarchist or a socialist-communist is born.

Against the magazine "Forward!" “anarchists-federalists”, that is, bakunins, accomplices of organizing a negain rebellion against the people against the tsar and helpers, in 1875–1876 pp. near Geneva they saw the newspaper "Pratsivnik", recognized for reading among the working people. With Bakuninist ideas of the singing world of engagements and the journal "Obshchina", which was published in 1878. at Geneva. M. Bakunin has baked the fight against Marx at the First International, going into intrigues and plots against the General for the sake of it. At the list to the German social democrat T. Kuno on September 24, 1872. F. Engels showed the impossibility of Bakunin's anarchism by looking at the state and the revolution.

The ideas of the weaver's group of revolutionary populists took shape a little later, in 1875. Tkachov (1844–1885) saw the program of the “Nabat” (1875–1881) magazine kerned by him behind the cordon with the name “Who can have a practically achievable meta revolution”. Її the author vvazhav, like Bakunin, that the Russian peasant is always preparing for the revolution. Prote vysvolennya to the people, having stverdzhuvav Tkachov, ceasing to be on the right of the people themselves. A group of revolutionary-improvers is starting the revolution, as if, spiraling on the “ruin-revolutionary” strength of the people, they seize political power, creating a new revolutionary power that is transforming in all spheres of life.

Tkachov and other pribіchniks were Blanquists, propagators of the zmovnitsky methods of fighting the “revolutionary minority” against autocracy, as if there was no real support in the Russian supremacy and “hanging by the window”. Tkachov's “Vidkritiy sheet” to F. Engels and the rest of the sheet in the article “About Suspension of Blues in Russia” (1875) fully characterize Tkachov’s theory and practical program, which is completely scientific impossibility.

In Russia, Marxism has grown and won in the irreconcilable struggle against populist theories. From which, however, there is no trace of how the theories of Lavrov, Bakunin and Tkachov have no revolutionary progressive change. Criticizing populist theories, it is impossible to ignore their “historical-real and historical-right-wing zmist in the struggle against the bourgeoisie”, it is unacceptable to forget that “theories reflect advanced, revolutionary, bourgeois democratism, which and theory to serve as an ensign of the best fight against the old, fortress.

The ideas of Lavrov, Bakunin and Tkachov formed the basis of the revolutionary-populist ideology, tactics and organization of the populist movement. The stench was widely popular among Russia, directly designated the activities of various populist groups and organizations, penetrated legal journalism and literature. "Going to the people" 1874-1875 rr. Ale, for the most part, the water formed under the influx of Lavrov and Bakunina extinguished. Representatives of the "going to the people" paid for the support of the peasantry for the socialist revolution. Samoviddan ruh іnteligentsії among the people ended in a catastrophe.

Populist practitioners, especially M.A. Morozov and V.N. M. Morozov at the book “About my life” tells about those who, having changed their wines in practice, that the villagers give the predominance of the communal power for special power to the land and baiduzh before the populists propagandize a peaceful work on the earth. V. Figner considered herself “by the peasant sea” to be selfish and weak. Її gasped the vigilance and zanedbanіst of the villagers. Girke rozcharuvannya narodniks in the socialist and revolutionary possibilities of the villagers was rich in their core of tragic experiences that happened in literature.

After the failure of the “going to the people” among the revolutionary stakes, it came to a cooling down to the ideas of Lavrov and Bakunin. The platform of the illegal revolutionary organization "Land and Freedom", which, for example, vindicated the year 1876, has no obvious indications of its direct predilection to lavrism or Bakunism. Navpaki, the participants of the organization jumped the reins of those new ones that the stinks brought from the other half of the 1970s. For this reason, the stench called themselves "populist revolutionaries." So, in the history of the revolutionary movement of the 70s. n. Ahead, the appointment appeared, as if later it had a broader meaning. Narodniks in the sense of the term should vvazhat the landowners themselves.

S. Kravchinsky (Stepnyak) with great accuracy outlined the new things that the landowners brought into history and brought the socially shaped intellectuals and the people together with them, as they saw the fundamental food of the children "going to the people." Having survived not far from the direct propaganda of socialism in the peasant middle, the revolutionaries, rozpovida Stepnyak, didshli visnovka, that they should not only throw off the German cloth and dress themselves in a serm'yaga, it is necessary and throw off the її "German cloth" to ialism and dress it up її "in folk sermyaga". Revolutionaries can become truly people's people. In fact, it does not mean that the socialist ideals of the revolutionary goiter should be ordered to the ideals of the people, to their urgent needs, views and inspirations. The stench is reverberated by two "magic words" - "the earth is that will!". The landowners directly said that the stink of their own was extinguished by sounding to the people's voices that bazhan at chiu hvilin. Mayuchi on uvazі tsyu the main installation of their programs, the landowners called themselves "populists", "people's people", "populist revolutionaries". Theoretically, the proteo program of the landowners does not break with Bakuninism. They sent a message to Pugachov and Razin like the people's "revolutionaries-socialists", like they hung on the ruling people readiness to revolt in their land and will. The landowners' settlements also did not give any results. Knowing the blows, the populist revolutionaries went over to a political struggle, to a heroic single combat against the autocracy - to a terroristic struggle against it. In 1879 p. "Land and Freedom" split into the terrorist "Narodnaya Volya" and the propaganda "Chorniy Peredil".

The program of the "Narodnaya Volya" was adopted by the Tkachev znevira to mas. The call to the people's revolution was inspired by the idea of ​​​​a zmovnitsky slaughter of power. The struggle of the People's Volunteers from the ranks is becoming the struggle of a large number of radicals for political freedom. The transition to the political struggle for a democratic transformation was a bit ahead of the curve, but it didn’t go far enough to get ahead of socialism, with the massive people’s movement. Suchasniki all over the world called them "populists without a people", "populists, as if they had poured faith into the people." And yet, like V.I. Lenin, “the fiends of the old “Narodnaya Volya” zoomed in on a great role in Russian history, disregarding the brilliance of the suspіlnyh verstov, as if they encouraged poor heroes, disrespecting those who were ensigns not a revolutionary theory served our purpose…”.

With different views in revolutionary populist Russia and for all the power of the rest of the late liberal populism, the representatives of the svetoglyad directly spit (from the 70s to the 90s inclusive) were powerful spit no drawings, installed by V.I. Leninim at the robot «Which kind of recession are we driven by?». Evaluation of capitalism as a lower type of life and virility is broken with the Russian self-propelled folk-communal way, not being able to go to capitalism in Russia, an incomprehensible progressive side of the historical work of capitalism and the role of the proletariat in shares people, reassessment of the role of intelligence - such a theoretical look, how to characterize people 70 -x to the 90s.

Democracy of the “bright galaxy of revolutionaries of the 1970s” was angry, like in Chernishevsky, with utopian communal socialism. Russian socialists-utopias have nurtured what the people’s revolution could create for the development of socialist opportunities, there were no mortgages in the savings of the peasant community, which was no longer in the bourgeois-capitalist order of life in Zakhidnoy Europe. Objectively, revolutionary educators of the 60s. and the revolutionary populists of the 70s. cleared the way for rural capitalism, but not for socialism. Їх socialism was an illusion, which vinified the soil of the richness of the bourgeois development of Russia, the originality of the Russian agrarian-economic mode. Alece is a special illusion. She had a protest against the kripatstva, she was the ensign of the wealthy generation of fighters. The utopian “muzhik” socialism, which rose up in the post-reform era itself, is evidence of the awakening of the masses, being a symptom of the fact that the masses (and not only the intelligentsia, which created socialist theories) entered on the path of exploring such a life, like a boo lo b vіlnim i vіd zhakhiv capitalism , and vlady assistant, official, king. In the materials before the brochure "To the Sil'skoi Bіdnoti" V.I. Lenin stating: "The villagers wanted to live in justice, in God's way, not knowing how to do it." Perekonannya, that the earth is sleepy, nothing of God, the idea of ​​​​the right to land is less quiet, who is practicing on it, that idea of ​​\u200b\u200bequal right to land, the whole system of communal-patriarchal orders - everything lived both at the svіdomostі, and in practice, on the naїvnoї patriarchal rural ї democracy right up to the revolution of 1905, lived among the populist-born intellectuals of the socialist nadiya, gave birth to these types of “worldly people”, righteous peasants, philosophers of zeal and altruistic peasants, who were depicted as populist fiction writers, Nekras ovim, Tolstim, Dostoyevsky, and writers.

The socialistic populist utopia was wicked in the minds of this reality, which capitalizes on, as it destroyed the ground of all sorts of pre-bourgeois illusions with its move. Ale utopian, hybni for their time, the dream of revolutionary populists about the work of the peasants on the common land, aggravated by the means of virobnism, that collectively became the truth in the minds of the victory of the socialist order.

Very respectfully mother on the street and one more furnishing. The idea of ​​rural utopian socialism, which became the ensign of the revolutionaries, was inspired by that generation of heroic fighters from autocracy, from krіposnitsky remnants, from the bourgeois way. Until that moment in history, it played a progressive, revolutionary role. The founders of scientific socialism spoke at the same time, blaming V.I. Lenin.

In the history of the revolutionary and voluntary movement and the suspenseful thoughts of the end of the 60s and the beginning of the 70s. n. But a significant fact is to blame - the creation by Russian emigrants in Geneva in the birch 1870 of the Russian section of the I International (N. Utin, A. Trusov, E. Dmitrieva ta іn). Vaughn stood up to the women's section of the anarchist "Alliance", the kerovan Bakuninim, and gave K. Marx a great encouragement in the fight against the adventuristic tactics of the Bakuninists. The Russian section selected Marx as its representative at the General Radio International of London. On the sides of a hand-crafted organ in a section (newspaper "People's Right") in 1870. її program was published. The populist character of this program is obvious. But it’s even more important to say that at the dawn of the 70s. n. vinicles, like saying V.I. Lenin, “Try the Russian socialists-narodniks to transfer to Russia the most advanced and most distinctive feature of the “European arrangement” - the International.” For whom it is necessary to point out one more feature of the revolutionary-willful movement of the 70s. - from yoga wide international connections. The cob was laid on it by Herzen and Ogaryov. V.I. Lenin wrote: “Because of the excitement of tsarism, emigrant revolutionary Russia is small in the other half of the 19th century with such a wealth of international connections, such a miraculous recognition of all-worldly forms and theories of revolutionary movement, like a living country at the world.

Significant emigrant colonies of Russian revolutionary populists formed near Paris and London, near Zurich and Geneva. The stench has been filled with living contacts from foreign fighters of the revolutionary movement. Raznomanіtnі in tsmu sensі pіznіshi (1880-1890) zv'yazko prominent Russian revolutionary and writer S.M. In the 1970s, the Russian revolutionary populist emigration organized the publication of newspapers and magazines, collections and brochures, conducted a wide propaganda of advanced Russian literature.

It is also necessary to recognize the great singling out of K. Marx and F. Engels's special sympathy with Russian revolutionaries and writers. The role of the Parisian commune of the history of the Russian suspense thought, in the ideological development of Russian literature, in the work of such prominent deacons, like Uspensky, Shchedrin, Nekrasov, should be assigned and majestic.

In the revolutionary-volitional Russia of the 70s. there was a trend that lay ahead of the great future, - the growth of the robotic movement. The epoch of preparation for the revolution, like the literature of the epoch, put on the agenda of the day "work food" and - more broadly - food about capitalism, put down to bourgeois vdachas and ideals. The first steps of the Russian proletariat can be seen until the 60s. In those years, the first works about the foreign and Russian proletariat appeared (N.V. Shelgunova - “The robotic proletariat in England and France”, 1861; V.V. Bervi-Flerovsky - “The position of the robotic class in Russia”, 1869 ). For example, in the 60s and on the cob of the 70s, and especially in the coming decade, novels are published, they write about the robotic class, about the growth of yoga self-confidence, about the struggle that has begun. The image of a worker in Turgenev and Tolstoy, in Reshetnikov and Sleptsov, in Gol. Uspensky and Karonina, Naumov and Nefedov, Omulevsky and Zlatovratsky, Chekhov, Garshin and Korolenko. Obviously, the interest in representatives of the robotic class, as well as the beginnings of interest in Marxism, without breaking the ideological concept of the names of writers, without breaking them out of the radically democratic position. As a rule, the stench did not endorse the proletariat's intrigues from other workers, they did not graduate into a new special class, and they have more such strength, as the history of the world has been called to rebuild. And yet, the deacons of them (Uspensky, Turgenev, Karonin, Zlatovratsky, Korolenko) begin to see such a picture in the robot worker, as if in the near future, to secure for him the avant-garde role in the willful Russia.

Have 70 rocky. Proletarian Russia began to develop new ideas, to talk about the growth of self-confidence and organization of the robotic class, which is being formed. Blame independent workers of the organization. At 1875 p. having settled down the "Pivdennorossiysky Union of Robotics", and 1878 p. - "Pivnichny union of Russian workers". The Statute of the Pivdenny Union (compiled by Y. O. Zaslavsky) and the program of the Pivnichny Union (compiled by V. P. Obnorsky and S. N. Khalturin) have a significant influx of populist ideas. And yet, at the titles of the documents, an ear of special assignments to the proletariat was laid, for those who were inspired by the social-democratic program, vibrated by the foreign working movement, and to inspire the ideas of the statute of the First International.

Have 70 rocky. the awakening of the Russian robotic class waded into the great glory of strikes and strikes. At 1870 p. having fired a strike on the Nevsky paper spinning mill - the first mass ledge of workers near the capital. Vaughn called out great anxiety in the ranks of the stakes. Following the "high order" of Alexander II, a special circular was issued to combat strikes. In 1872 p. wine strike at the Krenholm manufactory - the largest enterprise in Russia. Vaughn hooted a sprig of thousands of workers and escorted them to the military. G. V. Plekhanov in his essays “Russian Robot Worker in Revolutionary Russia” tells about St. Petersburg strikes of 1878-1879. In 70 years. the first public announcements of the robot workers appeared, the first public performances of the robot workers were heard at the trials. The speech of Peter Alekseyev, a Petersburg robot-weaver, gained wide popularity at the trial (in the presence of the Senate) on 9 February 1877. Vaughn ended with the words: “... the muscular arm of a million worker rises up.<…>And the yoke of despotism, fenced with soldier's bagnets, will fly into gunpowder. Qi words V. I. Lenin, characterizing as "the great prophecy of the Russian revolutionary worker". Promova Petra Aleksiev was repeatedly seen by the Vilnius press with a lot of brochures, she was referred to illegal collections and went to the lists, she called out poetic remarks among revolutionary poets (from S. Sinegub and F. Volkhovsky).

Until the end of the 70s. Among the workers of Vinyl, the idea of ​​creating a Vlasnoi newspaper. At 1880 p. the workers of the Brewery Union of Russian Workers buried the first revolutionary working newspaper in Russia - “Robitnicha Dawn”, the first and single issue of which was February 15, 1880.

Increased activity and information of the Russian proletariat vplinuv on Russian socialists in Russia there. Narodnik-revolutionaries and writers, who are associated with populist democracy, were embarrassed to know that the workers behind their development stand more for the villagers, stink the most scum on socialist propaganda, on calls to fight for their surrender. It is not surprising that a lot of populists-practitioners in their revolutionary struggle and propagandist activities have scurried off against the workers. Narodnytska illegal newspaper "Land is that will!" Vіtala viknennya "Pivnіchnogo union rosіyskih robіtnikіv", although she criticized the yoga program for the entry into populist ideas.

However, 70 have fates. the revolutionary struggle has stumbled across the tiny top of the robotic class. V.I. Lenin wrote: “Yet the foremost workers have already shown themselves to be great working-class democrats, but the masses were still asleep. Just at the beginning of the 90s, the awakening began, and at once a new and more glorious period of the history of all Russian democracy began.

In literary criticism and journalism of the 70s. the struggle of the ideological and aesthetic currents began. The instruction from the revolutionary-populist literary-critical thought developed literary ideas of liberal populism. The criticism of the revolutionary educators that developed in the 60s also continued. under the influence of the ideas of Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubova. Nareshti, the criticism of both bourgeois-liberal and reactionary journalism flared up.

Like 1861, when Chernishevsky’s program article “Which is not the beginning of change?”, Then it was in the late 60s. "Marni pojuvannya" (1868 ) and "The Essential Needs of Literature" (1869). The author points out those that are positively diyalni types of traces and assimilation in the folk media, for whom “the right dzhereli, from which the strum of a new, living Russian word can be cultivated.” N. Shchedrin to talk about the "growth of the Russian people." The process of this growth is observed among the middle class of the intelligentsia (“the turnaround” part of the Russian society), and among the people (“the middle age is swinging”).

The problem of the positive hero Shchedrin is related to the problem of the people's midst. It is not only the sense that the activity of the advanced intelligentsia is due to the awakening of the people, but also the sense that in the very nature of the new people one can develop the development of the best national-folk ("male") rice.

M. Y. Saltikov's character and light-gazer of a raznochinets-revolutionary in the spiritual light of the "zayvoi people".

Vіddaє it is historically more necessary for the hero to be “buduvannya”, sum up that reversal, reflections and rozcharuvannya, but consider that the hero of rozdorіzhzha will be exhausted for himself. Vinikla needs the possibility of a positive, active setting to action. There was a need for creations, for some diyov individuals to be placed to the camp of fighters. The period of introduction to the type of non-traditional and zayvoi, tedious and weak people has ended, the period of the active people has begun, actively intruding into the activity. The head yoga of the shoes is worn by the people serving. N. Shchedrin waged an intense struggle against the anti-nihilistic novel, in which the ideal of a revolutionary was portrayed as a stupid ruin. Vin judging and interpreting "new people" as "zhebrakiv in the spirit of ascetics, like the whole essence of the bachelor at the stupid preaching of peace." The author of "March Battles" shows abstract, bookish images of positive heroes like people, like people think about the right, but do not build up to activity, Shchedrin fights for the full-blooded artistic images of representatives of the revolutionary intelligentsia ї. In the other half of the 70s. the controversy between the "Vitchiznyanikh Zapiski" and the "Right" broke out, and they argued (as earlier in the "Russian Word") novels and short stories about "new people". Representatives of the "Vitchiznyanykh zapiski" not without reason denounced the novelists of "Sravi" for schematism, for seeing real life, for unsubstantiated optimism, for the oversized role of unimaginable specialness.

At 1868 p. M. Shelgunov also published the program article “Russian ideals, heroes and types”. Like M. Shchedrin, Shelgunov did not succumb to the popular populist theory of “heroes” and “natovpu”, respecting how history is made by the masses of great people. The critic recognized that the transcendental suffocation of a vinyatkovy specialty (such suffocation appeared in some novels about "new people" of the other half of the 60s) is "the evil of our hour." The Russian novel and Russian publicism are guilty of turning to “collective, social people” and showing “what kind of results can reach success for the collective efforts of impersonal ordinary people.”

For example, the 60s - on the cob of the 70s. n. a discussion flared up about Reshetnikov, about the fiction of the sixties in a flash. In this discussion, not only the revolutionary-democratic and liberal points of view were clearly visible in criticism, but also the populist look at literature. N. Shchedrin (“The March of the Battle”) and N. Shelgunov (“The Deaf Time”, “People’s Realism in Literature”) rely on Reshetnikov’s work, if you can justify the statements of liberal criticism about the “impoverishment” of Russian literature, as if it was in the interests of the “muzhik ".

The populist legend about Reshetnikov, on the one hand, was created by Skabichevsky, a representative of petty radicalism, and on the other, Tkachov. Skabichevsky entered into a revolutionary-democratic ideology, diverged from Shchedrin and approached the liberals, characterizing the working people as a “stringing faceless NATO”. Not confirming the positive meaning of Reshetnikov's activity, but negatively commenting on his artistic method, naming "Pidlipovtsiv" I will not say rozpoviddyu, but the protocol. Tkachov in articles about fiction writers-democrats who wrote their works for the purpose of substantiating their theory of the vital significance of the revolutionary minority. Vіn vvazhav, that democratic fiction admits unrealistic idealization to the people, that її representatives to bachel from the people like great strength, great inclinations.

Thus, the struggle flared up in the ideological recession of the 60s. The nourishment of "recession" has become the focal point of the history of Russian literary criticism, the supple and philosophical thoughts of the post-reform period. Vіn otrimav povene scientific did not let the robot U. I. Lenin "What kind of recession are we inspired by?". Coils of tsієї struggle rushed over the minds of the ideological rift in the mid-60s. D. Pisarev, V. Zaytsev, P. Tkachov, as well as the writers of the Russian Word, and Spravi, interpret the ideas of Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov.

In support of the theory (among those in the literary-aesthetic theory), the Narodniks worked backwards, as if to look at their parity with the position of the revolutionary democrats in the past. Truth be told, the representatives of the legal populist directive were the only ones in their position before the “recession of the 60s”. Not all stinks allowed those vulgar ideas of the 1960s, as the opportunistic newspaper Tizhden was especially popular. The most prominent populist critic N. K. Mikhailovsky is a fortune teller of the famous writers of fiction and critics of "Tyzhnya" over the ideas of Chernishevsky and Dobrolyubov. As a democrat, he had a lot of experience in the fight against the theories of “pure art”, against the reaction in literature. And yet, Dobrolyubov, saying that the sense of yoga activity is “a call to the revolution,” then Mikhailovsky, pidtrimuyuchi ties with the revolutionary subdivisions, having respected for the necessary all the same encouragement, that he is not a revolutionary, but a leader of the way reforms and rozrakhovuє on " charitable representatives of the central government ", like nіbito stati on the bіk of the people in the fight against kurkulstvo and mіstsevoy administration.

Narodnik critics of the 70s. placed a special emphasis on the transformative (“utilitarian”) role of art. But the most important nourishment of the aesthetics stench clouded the subjective. The reworking meanings of the art of stench were exploding as if they were a cognitive basis, and as a creative, active role of masses in the right transformation of life. Powerless in the struggle to change the action, the populists attributed the role of the arbiter of fate to the arts.

Aesthetic reflection of M. Mikhailovsky, A. Skabichevsky and other diabolical populist criticism is connected with the subjective-sociological concept. In literature, the Narodniks became bachiti, as M. Mikhailovsky said, “voice moral court”, the obov'yazok of some - to critically evaluate the validity of the look of the appearance of the ideal. Such a pіdkhіd to literature, naming the main critical principle of Mikhailovsky. In yoga, sociological and ideological analysis of creation is supported by psychological analysis. Characteristic for a new, for example, view of the work of G. I. Uspensky from the point of view of abstract morality and psychology (truth and justice, the ailment of “hurt conscience” is too thin).

A. Skabichevsky in “Conversations about Russian Literature” (1876–1877), arguing with the aesthetics of Belinsky and Chernishevsky, stverzhuvav, that the recognition of mysticism is not about giving the truth and universal realization of life cha. Just as M. Mikhailovskiy in the science of science has a great deal of moral assessment of the phenomena, the right person to ascribe to them that other development is clearly up to the ideal, then Skabichevsky spoke more importantly about those who do not discuss the science and do not violate nutrition іynostі, and zbudzhuє will, energy and suspіlnu predilection people put food on the path of demonstrating the manifestations of life. For such a destruction, it is necessary that the art should give more images. Artistic creativity, rozmirkovu Skabichevsky, at whom I say that the artist saw and put the first plan of those things and the side of life, they struck him. Їhnє nayyaskrіshe vіdvorennya vіn і is guilty of mother on uvazі, schob rіzkіshe їх in front of readers.

Representatives of the liberal-populist newspaper "Tyzhden" (1866–1901), which propagated the theory of "small rights", led the revolutionary struggle in the name of "culturalism", vociferously voted against the "recession of the 60s", zmikayuchis not only with, but with a reactionary, slov'anophilic ideology, exemplifying the idea of ​​a right-wing, opportunistic philistine populism. Here, the most characteristic protrusions of criticism and aesthetics were the articles of V. Lesevich (“Belinsky and further development of our criticism”), K. Lavsky (“Russian literature in 1874”), P. Chervinsky (“Why is our literature not alive?” ) ), G. Radzievsky (“The Role of Mystery”) and others.

"Tyzhden'" talking about the slump of modern literature, naming the main yogo dzherel the staleness of literature and aesthetics as something one-sided directly, which panuvav in 60 years. In addition to the one-sided direct "Tyzhden", materialism in philosophy and criticism, realism in science, utilitarianism in ethics, the panuvannya of which has led to the listing of independent specialness, to the cult of reason and forgetfulness, to shilyannya in front of ob'єk tivny look at the world. The main "dogmas" of the 60s. plunged into the practical activity of the intelligentsia. The principle of corrosiveness has been grafted її to narrow egoism, and shilyannya in front of the mind - to bookish theories, far from the people. As a result, the intelligentsia, artistic literature were destroyed in front of the people, the writers created untruthful things about the people. Having fallen into such a sin, for example, G. Uspensky and other representatives of democratic literature of the 60-70s, fell into the idea of ​​"Tyzhnya".

Inspired by the ideas of the "primers", "Tyzhden'" having taken into account that the village can inspire life in the old and soulless intelligentsia, allowing the strangeness of the "beloved heart" to be true. At the link with the cim "Tyzhden" they stverdzhuvav, that at the appearance of the Russian Insarov they darkened. Spravzhnіh heroes of literature followed shukati in the countryside. They are created not by scribes, as they inherit the traditions of the 60s, but by “luminaries”: Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, Turgenev. "Tyzhden" put Dostoyevsky especially high, as if he had convinced the moral purity of the soul of a Russian peasant.

This day, speaking out against the Vitchiznyanikh notes, their help of the high-ranking public service of the mystic. Gaydeburov's newspaper misled the need for laughter from the arts for the sake of laughter, about the "purification" of artistic laughter from the social sense, from the satirical outright. Similar calls were brutal against the traditions of Belinsky and Herzen, as if they pointed to the revolutionary role of laughter in the foreclosed huge waters, which lived for themselves, and approved new orders.

The liberal stake of the Russian society, the critics of that literary community, were directly oriented towards the journal "Visnik Evropi", founded in 1866 by the professor of history M. Stasyulevich. M. Kostomarov, S. Solovyov and other historians spoke on the yoga side. A. Pipin published here his works “Draw a Gromadsky Rukh under Oleksandr I”, “Characteristics of Literary Thoughts in the 20s to 50s” (1871) and an article about Belinsky (1874). P. Annenkov at the "Visnik Evropi" instructed in 1873. article "A. Z. Pushkin”, Oleksiy Veselovskiy - “Zakhidny vpliv in Russian literature”.

I. S. Turgenev at the magazine Stasyulevich, speaking with the novel "News" and other works of the remaining fates of life ("Virshi in prose", "Literary and life of good" and іn.). Goncharov born in 1869 after placing "Obriv" at "Visnik Evropi". Romani P. Boborikin (“Povzhitya”, “China-town” and so on.), G. Danilevsky (“The Nine Wave”, 1874; ”, “Sickness”, “On the World”, “Vtechi”, the novel “Near a penny”, 1874, etc.) occupied a lot of space in the literary and artistic branch of the “News of Europe”. The names of Saltikov-Shchedrin, D. Mamin (Siberian), Ertel and others appeared on the other side. A. Zhemchuzhnikov, A. Apukhtin, A. Pleshcheev, P. Weinberg were among the poets of the "Visnik Evropi" and, later, symbolism.

Have 70 rocky. the bourgeois-noble reactionary tabir (M. Katkov, V. Meshchersky, A. Suvorin), as well as the literary criticism (N. Strakhov, I. Aksakov) unguardedly and viciously recounted the revolutionary-democratic recession of the 60s.

At the article "Car'era" V.I. Lenin, having characterized the main stages of that path, which the representatives of the anti-democratic ideology of the other half of the 19th century went through. The turn of the liberally laced Katkov to the reaction of the hour of the first democratic rise in Russia (on the ear of the 60s). A turn to a reaction of a liberal, to inspire a democratic journalist Suvorin at the time of another democratic day (the end of the 70s), similarly, having planted Suvorin in the 50-60s. with sympathy for Belinsky and Chernishevsky. The turn of the Russian liberals to the reaction after the third democratic rise in Russia (the beginning of the 20th century). "Katkiv - Suvorin - "Vehovtsі", all the historical stages of the turn of the Russian liberal bourgeoisie from democracy to zahist reaction, to chauvinism and anti-Semitism"".

Center for anti-democratic literature, criticism and journalism of the other half of the 19th century. the journal "Russian Visnik" appeared, which was seen from 1856 to 1887. in Moscow M. N. Katkovim. The magazine literally fell upon the creativity of the sixteenth decade, who promoted Gogol's directives. On the other side, there were sharply negative reviews about Reshetnikov, Nekrasov, N. Uspensky and G. Uspensky, about folk fiction writers. The Narodnaya Volya Rukh magazine called Katkov “a political waste”.

"Russian Bulletin" was distinguished by its great popularity among the reactionary groups of the nobility, bureaucracy and the bourgeoisie. The tsar’s ranks also respectfully followed the magazine and listened to his voice. Tsim following to explain the value of the number of prepayers (won was 5 thousand).

On the Varti Ide of the Revolutionary Democratic, the traditions of Bєniksky, Chernyshevsky, that Dobrolyubov, democratic underwear, stood the “vitchyvyan notes”, the yaki led Borotbu with the conservative magazine, with antinіghyl under the reagent criticism. A positive role for this struggle was played by the St. Petersburg magazine Delo (1866-1888). The official editors of this journal, who continued the line of the fenced “Russian Word”, were N. Shulgin (until 1880) and P. Bikov, and in fact, G. Blagosvitlov, cherubing him. N.V.

At 1868 p. “Vitchiznyani Zapiski” passed from Kraevskoy to Nekrasov, Shchedrin and Elisiev acted as the first editor, and after the death of the poet, Shchedrin became the editor-in-chief, and M. K. Mikhailovsky became the editor of the magazine. About the history of the renovation, the magazine was torn apart by controversy. Deyakі z kolishnіh svіvrobіtnikіv "Suchasnik" (Antonovich, Zhukovsky) roar angry and nі for no reason vipad against Nekrasov. The stench tries to denigrate all this poetic journalism, as if you were always on the reins in the orderly kіl. To that, there is nothing marvelous in the fact that the migrants sing to the spivpraci from Kraevskiy.

The democratic tabir marveled at the "Vitchiznyani Zapiski" as if at the continuation of "Suchasnik" and encouraged them in every possible way. Nekrasov, having put in charge of the union of the powdered after the closing of "Suchasnik" and "Russian Word" of democratic literary forces. The popularity of the magazine is steadily growing, with a circulation of 70 years. access to 8 thousand copies (1868 - 5 thousand). N. Shchedrin, N. Nekrasov, G. Uspensky, A. Ostrovsky, F. Reshetnikov, P. Yakushkin, N. Mikhailovsky, D. Minaev, V. Zaitsev, N. Kurochkin, A. Pleshcheev, A .Perlin, D. Pisarev, V. Sleptsov and others. Here populist writers N. Karonin, N. Zlatovratsky, P. Zasodimsky, and N. Naumov come forward. D. Mamin-Sibiryak and V. Garshin have published their literary activity in the "Vitchiznyaniye Zapiski".

The critical articles and drawings of the "Vitchiznyakh Notes" unraveled the "soil" ideology, reactionary fiction and criticism of the "Russian Bulletin". "Vitchiznyani Zapiski" opposed attempts to revive the theory of "pure art". Kolya born in 1883 If P. Boborikin's article "Our Literary Criticism" appeared, de vin spoke on the defense of this theory, then "Vitchiznian Notes" voted on it "Leaf before the editors" of Storonny (then M. Mikhailovsky). Shchedrin's journal fought against naturalism. In contrast to Katkov's magazine, Vitchiznyani Zapiski gave a positive assessment of the activity of democratic writers. Particularly important is Nekrasov's defender of liberal and reactionary ideas about what kind of activity it is.

"Vitchiznyani Notes" of the 70s. came out against the bourgeois critics of Marx out of zealous economic zeal. Significant support in the ideological life of Russia was traced to the legal recognition of the Russian translation of the first volume of "Capital" (1872) by Petersburg. Vіn buv zdіysneniya G. Lopatіnim and N. Danielson. "Vitchiznyani Zapiski" published Mikhaylovskiy's article "On bringing the Russian edition of K. Marx's book". In his ideologist of legal populism, he omits the revolutionary historical and philosophical concept of Marxism; In 1877 p. the liberal "Vistnik Evropi" published the article of the colossal collaborator "Suchasnik" that went down to the liberals, the economist Y. Zhukovsky "K. Marx and yoga book about capital. Article mistila baked attacks on Marx.

The second largest participant of "Suchasnik", M. Antonovich, having released the brochure "On the Theory of Value", in a way that he did not highlight the originality of Marx's economic theory, calling yoga "Rikardist". "Vitchiznyani Zapiski" acted as a defender of Marx against similar falsifications and attacks. In 1877 p. Mikhailovsky's article "Karl Marx before Yu. Zhukovsky's trial" appeared. Vin showing the impossibility of the bourgeois economist to fight against the economic theory of Marx. At once about those Mikhaylivsky incorrectly tlumachiv Marx's historical and philosophical vchennya. It called out the page of the rest before the editorial office of the "Vitchiznyany Notes", which, however, was not corrected and became light only after the death of Marx on the sides of the illegal "Bulletin of Narodnaya Volya" (1886). This sheet of Marx having taken away a positive note from the side of the companion of the “Vitchiznyanih notes” by G. Uspensky. Important letter and indentation on the sides of "Vitchiznyany notes" by M. Sieber ("Dekіlka zavozrezhden schodo statti Yu. Zhukovsky" K. Marx and yogo book about capital ""). The author, having protected the historical and philosophical system of Marx, although he did not understand the revolutionary essence. At the journal Shchedrin in 1882. having acted with an assessment of Marx and Plekhanov (G. Valentinov), who first gave a correct presentation of the Marxist theory and prostuvav bourgeois and populist її tlumachennya.

The "Vitchiznyanikh zapiski" had foldable ideas. The fate of the journal was no less than revolutionary democrats. On the sides of the magazine, important theoretical works of revolutionary and liberal populists were published: Lavrov, Mikhailovsky, Yuzhakov. A word to say about the originality of the democratic positions of the “Vitchiznyanikh notes” of 1868–1884. The revolutionary democrats and the populist democrats united the unity of their rural-democratic positions. This gave them the opportunity to speak in concert with rich theory and literary criticism against liberal and reactionary lines. The editorial staff of Vitchiznyanikh Zapiski, especially in the other half of the 70s, was full of serious strife, sharpening its inner struggle. Shchedrin spoke negatively about Lavrov's work, speaking contemptuously about Vorontsov (V. V.) and Yuzhakov, and was dissatisfied with the participation in the journal of writers Boborkin and Mordovtsev, rozumzhenistvo svetoglyad Mikhailovsky.

Literary-suspіlny rukh of the 70s. do not become a populist. For the first decade, literature developed without the home of populism. The central figures of which are directly in prose Shchedrin, in poetry - Nekrasov, in journalism - Shelgunov. I characteristic fact of the literary movement of the 70s. it turned out to be a blaze of spivrobnitstvo in the journal Vitchiznyani Zapiski, representatives of revolutionary-educational democracy with writers and publicists of populist directives.

For example, 70s rock. Russia had a different revolutionary situation (1879-1881). That is the day before the transition from populism to Marxism. K. Marx and F. Engels appreciated that “it has long been on the threshold of a coup, and all the elements necessary for this element have already matured.” The most important element of the new revolutionary tide was away from the massive toothache of the villagers, the destruction of the capitalization of the village and the agrarian crisis of the end of the 70s, the burden of the villagers with additional donations from the war of 1877–187 8 rr., we will spoil the harvest of 1879 r. .

The magazine "Chorniy peredil" told about those that the Russian-Turkish war revived among the villagers a little bit about the new Regulations, about the future of the land. Another revolutionary situation was marked by a significant rise in the robotic movement, calling for lower wages, increasing unemployment in the wake of stagnation, which has emerged in the economic life of the country. Yakshcho u 1859–1861 there were only 65 strikes, then for one more than 1879 p. There were already 60 of them. In Russia, the proletariat, which had risen, was signified not only by injecting ideas into the statute of the First International. Among the workers lived and remembered the struggle of the Parisian communes. “The thunder of the Parisian garmats,” wrote V.I. Lenin, - waking up the last generations of the proletariat, who were sleeping a deep sleep, and everywhere giving supplies to strengthen the revolutionary socialist propaganda. Before 1883, the leading workers began to promote Marxism, and some of them illegally traveled beyond the cordon. It is noteworthy that, to inspire a populist, Plekhanov in 1879. don’t forget that the local workers are “tsile”, but the robo nutrition is “self-important”.

Activating and liberal-constitutional movement, the pan_vnym forms of which were the legal collections, promotion, recruitment to representatives of the autocratic power. The most radical program of the oppositional liberalism of the end of the 70s. it was brought to the point of freedom of speech and freedom of speech, the guarantee of the individual, the call of the installation selections. I tse moved on from the warlike-sorcerer's separation from the revolutionary camp, from the programs of the truth of the democratic transformation of Russia. Once again, like in 1859–1861, the liberal society demonstrated its “political immaturity, the immaturity of raising fighters and the right pressure on the order”.

Let’s take it to heart that the peasants’ confusions under the hour of another revolutionary situation did not take away that unsafe scale, which they had in 1861, but the workers of the 70s. n. could not yet join a united and broadly organized struggle, traces of recognition that the revolutionary intelligentsia emerged as the greatest force for tsarism, which entered before the end of the 70s. XX Art. on the paths of political terror. This way was shot by Vira Zasulich, on September 24, 1878, the other day after the end of the process of the 193rd, she shot at the St. Petersburg mayor Trepov. On the 4th sickle of the same fate, S. M. Kravchinsky killed the chief of the gendarmes Mezentsov. Nareshti, 2 April 1879 buv swing A. K. Solovyova on Oleksandr II. The heroic essence of the few representatives of the "prominent socialism" - the People's Volunteers - flared up. "Narodna Volya" blamed the death penalty on Oleksandr II. February 5, 1880 Stepan Khalturin organized vibes far away at the Winter Palace. The revolutionary crisis that was ripening did not and could not become a “turning point” in the history of Russia for the minds of that hour. By driving in Alexander II (1881), the populist revolutionaries irrevocably exhausted all possibilities; the awakening of the people's revolution stench could viklikati. “Russian terror,” wrote V.I. Lenin, - buv and overwhelmed by a specific intelligent way of fighting<…>Facts cannot be compared that there is nothing to be done with the violent acts of the people’s revolution in our individual political battles.”

The "Party of autocracy", having overcome the destruction and strife, entered on the path of a roiled reaction, which engulfed all spheres of life. Chief Prosecutor of the Synod K. Pobedonostsev and the Minister of Internal Affairs, chief of gendarmes D. Tolstoy, an irreconcilable opponent of the bourgeois reforms of the 60s and 70s, were the followers of this course. No wonder Leskov called that hour "a vulgar oven to that." However, in the aftermath of 1881, they were wild, as if honored with the ensigns of Russian democracy, fought against liberalism and reaction, against renegade and idealism. The role of Shchedrin, Uspensky and Chekhov is especially important for vikonannі tsikh zavdan, for those 60-70-ti rr. n. were a holy hour. They couldn't allow the stench to usurp any kind of "cholovіchki-gophers" and spoil the ideas of the heroic generation - "batkіvska and didіvsku spadshchina".

The fates of the reaction were marked by a reevaluation of the number of popular viruvans. It is the process of generating a new rozumіnnya leader of the fighters against the autocracy. As if living a rural utopian socialism, populist democracy, which was falling apart, gave way to the more and more expanded social-democratic gazer. The revolutionaries of Russia, for the first time in the history of the willful rush, swelled the nadiy "Grunt" in the mass robotic Russia. All these deep social and ideological destructions were known more vividly in the first works of G.V. x "Socialism and political struggle” (1883) and “Our differences” (1885). Vin also became a social-democratic group "Zvіlnennya pratsі".

Another revolutionary situation has been left without a trace in Russian literature. The famous ideological and mystical jokes of the Ostrovsky final period of yoga activity, the growling growth of satire in the works of Lєskov, the development of Shchedrin's foundations of prosperity at that time - sіm'ї, power, state-administrative apparatus, religion. Dostoyevsky's remaining novel "The Brothers Karamazov", with a gaudy deepness, which depicts the "spoiled resurrection" of people, spiritualization by jokes of the way, "inspiration of a dead people." Like the 70s and on the cob of the 80s. Tolstoy completes the transition of the positions of the rich peasant masses. The author of "Spovidі" (1882) having hung so much for the agrarian-peasant nutrition, as if without intermediary went into the villagers themselves, and they were confused by the program provisions of the Russian revolutionaries. Calling the recession of Tolstoy a mirror of the Russian revolution, V.I. Lenin mav on uvazi, krim osgogo іnshoy, and those, like an artist, interpret agrarian nutrition, to that very food, to the thought of V.I. Lenin, "to form the basis of the bourgeois revolution in Russia and to inspire the national identity of this revolution." I gave U.I. Lenin rose: "The essence of this food is the struggle of the peasantry for the destitution of the landowner and the surplus of capital in the land-owning mode of Russia, henceforth, and in all social and political institutions."

Shchedrin penetrated into the life of the peasant food in the post-reform Russia. Vіn rozumіv, scho prihovanі mrії selyanskih mas prikutі to pomіshchitskih lands. The liquidation of the landowner's landowner is such a commandment of that impoverished peasantry. Glib Uspensky, having created such a sociological and philosophical-ethical concept of “owning the land”, as if he undermined the inevitability of the village war for the land, the inevitability of the villagers gathering at the tsii war, and then the writer “to live” in the “dzherela” - from the village - and travel to "Vagabond Rus" ”, to the image of migrants, who were called proletarian masses, who were driven out of the village with “hot snakes”. The very Russian reality wobbled the artist-publicist all the way. The process of peasantization - in the sense of the economy and the sense of the spiritual - zahopiv until the 80s. up to 30% of all rural states. At that time, a new school of realism is being formed, represented by Garshin, Chekhov and Korolenko, as to introduce innovative drawings to classical realism, forcing the minds of Russia to enter the uninterrupted pre-revolutionary period of its development.

Hour, 1861 No. 12, p. 176.

Div. "Materials for the characterization of modern Russian literature", published by Antonovich and Zhukovsky in 1869.

Marx K., Enels F. Soch., T. 34, p. 229.

Lenin St I. Full zib. tv., vol. 20, p. 222.

Div: Plekhanov G. St. Soch., T. 1. M., 1923, p. 69.

Lenin St I. Full zib. tv., vol. 5, p. 39.

ABSTRACT

Bycourse "History of Russia"

behind the topic: "Community Rukh in Russia in the 60-70s of the 19th century."

1. Movement for a constitution

Following the Manifesto on February 19, 1861 in the orderly policy, changes were made not for the better. Alexander II, appearing no longer able to resist the pressure from the side of a part of the courtiers, the old bureaucracy and the kriposniks. Helping the quarter 1861 ON THE. Mіlyutіn buv vilucheniy z plant comrade minister of internal affairs. Vin pishov, not completing the project of the zemstvo reform (before the additions after the yogic restructuring). P. A. Valuev, the new Minister of Internal Affairs, tried to conduct a protective course.

However, in the countryside, a huge undertaking continued, which appeared in advance of the strong character. Formerly, during the hours of the Decembrists, there was a feed about the calls of the people's representatives, about the constitution. At the fierce 1862 p. The Tver nobles at their provincial gatherings declared that the ranks showed complete incompetence. And in the address on the name of the emperor, it was said: "The call of the chosen ones from the Russian land to become a single zasib for a satisfying celebration of food, destruction, but not allowed by the camp of the 19th fierce." For a few days, a crowd of intermediaries of light has grown up near Tver. In a larger, sharper form, the stench repeated the main points of the resolutions of the nobility's gatherings.

A mustache of 13 participants for the sake of the light intermediaries was planted before the Peter and Paul Fortress. The court condemned them until the freedom of the will on the lines from two to two out of half a year. Truth be told, the stink of the stench was pardoned without a hitch, and planted from the fence.

On the cob 1863 the insurrection at Poland fell. Nezabar it spread to Lithuania and Western Belarus. Viysk was directed against the rebels. Massive reprisals were carried out near the district of the rebellion. The supporters of the rebels tried to enlist the support of the support of foreign powers and the European great thought. Vinikla is not safe from foreign imports, and Russia at that time did not recall its military potential after the Crimean war. In such a situation, Valuev, having propagated to act like a representative body, in order to allow foreign enormity of pretexts for attacks on Russia.

At the quarter 1863 Oleksandr 11, having called out to the people for discussing Valuev's propositions. It was praised and the minister was entrusted with putting together the project. Provision was transferred at the warehouse of the Sovereign for the sake of elected representatives of the zemstvos for the preservation of all autocratic power. Ale in the fall of 1863 rock, if the project was ready, the threat of foreign introduction had already passed. In Poland and Lithuania, the remains of the rebellion were burning down. The project was edited to the archive. Valuev himself did not guess about the new 15 years.

Ale svavіllya that all-powerful bureaucracy called out razdratuvannya to instill in the greater versions of the government. Tse pozilyuvalo positions prihilniki predstavnitskogo arrange. U Sichni 1865 the Moscow nobility turned to the tsar with the address: "To complete, sovereign, you have founded a stately life to call on the high-profile gatherings of selected people from the Russian land to discuss the needs of the common power." The addresses were blown by the muttering collections, at which the fuses sounded against the soothing king of the "oprichniks".

Oleksandr bov, even if he was dissatisfied with the address, ale, did not bazhayuchi stosunkiv iz vlivovym Moscow nobility, not getting into reprisals. Vіn got mad at him, who in the rescript in the name of Valuev voiced: "No one should take on himself in front of me the murmurings about the bed of coriste and the power." In a private conversation with one of the Moscow nobles, he said that he was willing to give bi "like a good constitution, not afraid that Russia would fall into pieces on the next day."

Obviously, Oleksandr II was changed. In 1906, when the constitution was introduced, the Russian empire did not fall apart, although the introduction of the constitution inevitably caused new problems. Ale, the transition to the constitutional mode is historically urgent, and the future may have been not guilty of the traces of the right.

At the chest 1865 St. Petersburg provincial zemstvos put up a food about the exclamation of "central zemstvos". How many times did the authorities renew their repressions. The head of the governor M.F. Kruse was hung from the capital, and the Petersburg zemstvo was dissolved and not close to fate.

At this hour, the revolution for the constitution moved from the nobility to the zemstvo institutions. The ranks, having become unskinned prichіpki and obezzhennyami, to respect the zemstvos.

2. Radicals and power in the 60s.

Naprikintsy 1861 r. M. A. Bakunin appeared in the editorial office of the Herzen newspaper, who came from the Siberian message through Japan and the USA, who got to England. Having escaped from the long-awaited full, vin of obsession, impersonally gleaming, as if it were given to you, having thought. Herzen well with yogo bagatarіchny dosvіd gromadskoї ї raboti clearly bachiv, scho rich tsikh plans є adventurous. Ale pіd vpliv Bakunіn drank Ogaryov, wrong romantic. At once, the stench urged Herzen to support the Polish rebellion that was being prepared. Zhovtni 1862 r. Herzen instructed at the "Dzvon" to send to the Russian officers, crying out to the Polish patriots. Tsej krok vydshtovhnuv vіd "Dzvoni" rosіyskih liberalіv, yakі vydkidali method zbroynoї borobi.

Dissatisfaction with "Dzvonom" grew even in radical-democratic Russia. It was clear to the participants that Herzen should stand in darkened positions. At the best time, the stinks showed up to the new indulgence. The popularity and circulation of "Dzvoni" fell rapidly. In 1867 p. Vіn ceased to be seen.

Herzen did not hesitate to split the single opposition movement. And if the liberals and the radical democrats rose up, they didn’t know the place either in the quiet, or in the others, because the liberals and the democrats organically grew up in it. And not a moment in vіdsіkti vіd yourself neither those, nor else. Herzen died near Paris 1870

The closest sympathizer of Chernishev after death 1861 r. Dobrolyubova becoming M.A. Serno-Solovijovich. Possibly, taking part in the release of the newspapers of the "Great Russia", which were expanded in the autumn of 1861. "Great Russians" wanted to transfer to the peasants of the US land, which stink they were up to 1861, freedom of speech that friend, the provision of the constitution. The program of "Great Russian" was funded by the Union of Liberals. Before the time of the union with them, maybe, having become shy and Chernishevsky, which was celebrated by the great hostility of the Tver nobles.

Chernishevsky buv dosvіdchenim and truezim politician. Ale, krіm yoga will, the camp of democracy has grown radical moods. Vlitka 1861 a Moscow student, Pyotr Zaichnevsky, was arrested by his father for propaganda among the villagers. Having written the proclamation "Young Russia" at the vyaznitsa, as the country was widely spread. The author, having called out to "a crooked, unwelcome revolution, how can I radically change everything, everything without a blame, the foundations of the current welfare and to bring down the evil spirits in the lower order." There was a supply of the communist organization with a huge spree, a huge swarming of children, shackling that sim's slut. The advent of the proclamation zbіglas z grandiose St. Petersburg fires in 1862. There were a few quarters, hundreds of people were left without a dahu over their heads. Cause pozhezh install not far away. Among the dwellers, there were a few people walking around, that the place was burning negativity.

The situation that has evolved, the hoarders of steep approaches have scurried. At the Lipnya, 1862 was arrested by N.G. Chernishevsky and N.A. Serno-Solovijovich. On a sprat of months, "Suchasnik" was pinned. Chernishevsky was credited with the folding of the proclamation "To the lord's peasants in the їхніх good-natured corners", directed against the tsar's assistants. Two fates are close, while the Third branch was picking up the accusatory material, Chernishevskiy Provіv near the Peter and Paul Fortress. At the court of wines, coldly recounting the sound of the calls, more so, that they proved to be cunning. However, the Senate sentenced him to seven years of hard labor.

Later, there was a trial of Serno-Soloviyovich, a kind of arraignment for slander and having died on the way to Siberia. The conviction of Chernishevsky and Syrno-Solovijovich potentiated the radical mood of the youth. Even before the arrest of Chernishevsky Vinikla, the first revolutionary organization "Land and Freedom". The name of the bula was taken from Ogaryov's article "What do the people need?" On the back of the organization, Serno-Solovijovich was very attentive. Їy far away to create his own service in Moscow and other places, to arrange the release of illegal literature. After the arrest of Serno-Solovіyovich, the comradeship was stunned by students with little education. The stench rozrakhovuvali those scho, scho in 1863 p. there will be a peasant rebellion. If tsі nadії fell, "Land and freedom" self-dissolved.

Moscow's decision did not support the decision about self-dissolution. Vono began to make connections with the other groups of "Earth and Freedom", which broke up, trying to draw them into a new organization. Її the students Mikola Ishutin and his cousin Dmitro Karakozov were stunned. The Shutints set their leaders in preparation for the peasant socialist revolution. Spochatku in their activities, having overcome the propaganda trick. Then the deacons of the Suspіlstva began to shirk to the tactics of individual terror. For the purpose of this method, the group "Inferno" was created in a special way -

April 4, 1866 Oleksandr II walking at the Summer Garden. If you were out of the garden and sitting by the carriage, having sunk in the post, Kulya flew past, more people, like the order from Karakozov, stooped down, grabbed Yogo in the hand. Postrіl Karakozov having sent to the suspіlstvo in a dazzling rage. There were a few rumors about the "pekelna" zmovu. The police, who rushed about, seized the first-stuffed ones. At the red 1866 letter zakrytiy "Suchasnik".

Viysk minister D. A. Milyutin, having submitted a note to the tsar, in which it was reported that only subsequent reforms could start a revolutionary movement. The author of the note buv Kavelin. But there is little success. Olezhany Oleksandr II zrobiv turn ubіk vіd reshuffle. In a row, it was possible that all liberal ministries were removed. Only Milyutin left his job.

Settlement of the Minister of the People's Consecration of D. A. Tolstoy. Vіn putting universities under police control and making it easier for low-income young people to access them. The minister of the floor sighed, that the hulk of the storm itself was in the middle of the new one. Tim an hour, the key figure in the order became the head of the Third Division P. A. Shuvalov. Dopovіdayuchi about the nebezpeka, scho threaten the king, vіn not allowing you to step into the conservative policy.

3. Populism

At the turn of the 50s - 60s. XIX Art. among young people, they were that type of nihilist, a kind of image of Turgenev in the image of Bazarov. Vіdkidayuchi noble zaboboni and official ideology, nіgіlіst vvchav natural sciences, becoming a doctor, engineer, agronomist and bringing concrete retribution to people, without thick words and pishnyh declarations. Young people from different countries stretched themselves to the height of enlightenment. Prote after student's troubles 1861 r. A lot of students were excluded from universities.

Todi Herzen and writing in the "Dzvoni": "Well, where do you go, youngsters, how did you close science? .. Tell you where? ishov "among the people" voluntarily, the police hanged others. Formerly stumped by the peasantry, the stench was hostile to yoga vigilance, dark and lawlessness. The image of the nihilist faded and faded into the background, and among the democratic youth (from the nobles and raznochintsiv) the idea of ​​"turning the obedience to the people", selfless service to you began to take root. "Nobleman, what to repent" with a littered figure from the 60s - the beginning of the 70s rr.. ХІХ century.

Young women and girls became teachers, healers, paramedics. And some people went "to the people".

Populism was formed by a strong movement from a powerful ideology. Bіlya її vytokіv stood Herzen and Chernishevsky. In their midst, populism declined in its most noble spirits: defending the interests of the common people, for the sake of the villagers, deep democratism.

In Herzen's and Chernishevsky's works, the Narodniks adopted the same negative attitude towards the bourgeois mode and faith in the socialist utopia. Tse porozhuvalo vіdomі protirіchchya. Fighting at the disgrace of the people, the stench jumped down and swallowed up those krіposnitskie remnants, like they respected the life of the people. Ale usunennya tsikh remnants (for example, pomіshchitskiy latifundіy chi selyanskogo without rights) little space for the development of capitalist loans in the countryside. Otzhe, the Narodniks involuntarily reacted to the melancholy of those who retorted. Ale stink vowed that Russia, spiraling on its communal traditions, can "jump" through the period of the bourgeois mode - into the "wisely ruled" socialist supremacy.

The Narodniks did not attach any particular importance to the struggle for the constitution and freedom of the people. It was important that social freedom (violence in the wake of vigilance and exploitation) once again eliminated all the problems. Just as the Narodniks took their lot from the struggle for freedom of the people, then those who, with their help, were able to expand their propaganda in order to seize power and control socialism. This was the dark side of the ideology of populism.

Three currents in populism. P. L. Lavrov was the leading ideologist of populism. M. A. Bakunin and P. N. Tkachov. The stench ideologically rounded up three yogas: propagandistic, rebellious and zmovnitska.

Petro Lavrovich Lavrov (1823-1900) former professor of mathematics at the Artillery Academy, with the rank of colonel. Buv is close to Chernishevsky. In his early works, he acted like a harbinger of reforms. Ale, having become enamored of the minuscule politics of Oleksandr II, bachachi swaville, who is panuє in the country, Lavrov came to the thought of a revolution. In 1867 p. yoga was hung up to the Vologda province.

Lavrov wrote his famous "Historical Leaves" on the message. Himself vyslov having thought about the "unpaid borg" in front of the people. Lavrov podіlyav vіru vіru in socialism and low іnshih populist ideas (samobutnіstіnії іstorіchnogo rozії ії, hromada ії її її її її probable fret, another row of political nutrition in front of social ones). Having affirmed the need for a social revolution among the Duma, he stood on it until the end of his days. Ale vodnocha vin criticizing revolutionary adventurism. Vіn vkazuvav, scho is not possible "kvapiti" іstorіyu. The haste at the right preparation of the revolution will not give anything, blood and blood victims. The revolution, having taken Lavrov into account, can be prepared by the theoretical robots of the intelligentsia and by innocent propaganda among the people. Violence in the revolution, writing wine, can be reduced to a minimum: "We do not want a new violent power to replace the old." At 1870 p. Lavrov utik from zaslann and arrived to Paris. Behind the cordon of wines, having seen a magazine and a newspaper under the infamous name "Forward!" For example, XIX century. Lavrov dedicating the surplus of his life to the achievements of the sociology school in the form of political activity and surplus life.

M.A. Bakunin followed the Polish rebellion by raising his activity in the international socialist Russia. The theory of ruin, which he had been guilty of for a long time, took shape in the new end of the anarchist war. The mustaches of modern powers, having shown guilt, were struck by strangled people. None of the reforms will change the current inhumane nature. We need to replace them with a revolutionary path and replace them with free autonomous partnerships, organizing "from the bottom of the hill." Bakunin saw the transfer of all the land to the peasants, factories, factories and capitals - to working unions, conjugation of the sim's and the blues, zaprovadzhennya suspіlnoe vyhovannâ children from the soul of materialism and atheism.

Bakunin became a member of the I International at the hour of the fall. Use the middle of the organization of the wines to fight against Marx. In 1872 p. Marx was far away from trying to get Bakunin out of the International. At the same time, from Bakuninim, a lot of working communities of the pivdenny lands of Europe came out of the new one. The International soon disintegrated, and Bakunin turned his attention to the organization of the European anarchist movement. The greatest success of the wines is available on the pivdni of Europe, the first for everything in Italy. Particularly eager to propagate anarchism were the highly qualified workers, as well as the lumpen-proletariat. Bakunin voicing them with the avant-garde of the robotic movement. In Russia, the wines have shown us the mustache of the peasantry. The Russian peasant was recognized as a "natural socialist".

In the midst of the little-illuminated people, having respected Bakunin, found "propaganda with facts" to power uninterrupted riots, rise up, praise. Mayuchi zvichku to prove their theories in practice, organizing rebellions in Italy (bіla Bologna). The adventure ended in failure. Remain the fates of life in the great need. Bakunin died in 1876. near Berni (Switzerland) at the liquor for black-and-white, where they put yoga on yoga.

The followers of Bakunin worked in rich countries. In Russia, the stench became a significant death of the Narodniks, and for an hour rightly they tried to go as far as "propaganda with facts."

In 1869, in the midst of the revolutionary youth in Moscow, a large student, Sergiy Nechaev, appeared. Vin sang that he had come for the tasks of the "Central Committee", which united all Russian revolutionaries. Rishuchy and immoral, Nechaev saying that the revolutionary is guilty of strangling all human feelings, tearing them with laws, propriety and morality of the old suspenst, that for the attainment of lofty goals, all goodness is suitable kimi.

A lot of young people drank a lot of Nechaev's drinks. Youmu was far away to pick up together the tricks of the Shutinsky group. Nechaev divided his organization into "fives" and prompted order and order. The lower "p'yatirka" succumbed to the higher one, knowing only one її member, which brought to her the punishment of the beast and lashed out for їх vikonannyam. "Head P'yatirka" punished Nechaev as a member of the mythical "Central Committee". One of the members of the "leading fifty", student Ivan Ivanov, Nechaev, having suspected at the representatives, ordered to kill him in order to "cement with blood" his organization. Follow the wickedness of the deputy did not go far, and Nechaev big for the cordon.

The investigation showed an unfavorable picture of the Nechaev’s rights, and the government ruled against the Supreme Court. 87 people leaned on the lava of the courts. Having sentenced several members of the "leading five" court to penal servitude, on 27 osіb - to conviction on a different term, the decision was right.

Nechaevskiy process of riches in the wake of the revolutionary movement. F. M. Dostoyevsky wrote the same novel "Bisi". Nechaivshchina appeared not as a vicious episode, but as a sign of unsafe phenomena that were brewing in revolutionary Russia. In 1872 p. Switzerland saw Nechaev Russia as a criminal villain.

Petro Mikitovich Tkachov (1844-1885) was a member of the Nechaivsk organization. Judgment at the right of Nechaev, vin vіdbuv term u'yaznennya i bu v vyslaniya near the Pskov province. Zvіdti big for the cordon, de seeing the newspaper "Nabat". Tkachov stverdzhuvav, which is the closest meta socialist can be compared with a well-established, well-constructed, disciplined revolutionary organization. Do not waste time on propaganda, you can get power. After this, having propagated Tkachov, the revolutionary organization would stifle the existing conservative and reactionary elements of the suspenst, the old state power would establish and create a new state power. On the vіdmіnu vіd bakunistіv Tkachov vvazhav, scho power (before it is strong, centralized) saves itself and after the victory of the revolution.

From the end of the 70s. Tkachov's ideas began to make a mountain in populist Russia. The wine itself was born in 1882. fell ill with spiritual discord and died three years later.

One of the ideological champions of Tkachov was Zaichnevsky, a kind of dream about the "crooked, unwelcome revolution." But Tkachov drew his main ideas from some unknown piece of information. Vіn zrozumіv, scho brunt at tsimu dosvіdі - the creation of the strained and the auditory will of the kerіvnika of the organization, aimed at the hoarding of power.

4. Narodnitsky gardki on the cob of the 70s.

On the cob of the 70s. Petersburg, there were a few populist groups, on which M. A. Natanson, S. L. Perovska, and N. V. Tchaikovsky stood. In 1871 p. the stinks united and the members of the subdivisional partnership began to be called "chaikivtsy", in the name of one of the leaders. There was no suvoroy ordering here. The robot was on a good-natured basis of all and skin diseases. The celebration of the taєmnogo comradeship "chaikіvtsіv" wins in Moscow, Kazan and other places. There were close to 100 osibs in the tsіy federation gurtkіv.

In 1872 p. Prince Petro Oleksiyovich Kropotkin (1842-1921), a geographer, a theorist of anarchism, joined the Petersburg group of "chaikivtsiv". Since the arrival of the group, the ideas of Bakunism began to expand, and when the group stood on the positions of lavrism. The main right of the "chaikivtsiv" was propaganda among the workers. We tried to work hard and work in the countryside. On the cob 1874 a lot of "chaikivtsiv" were arrested.

Ale Areshti did not call for the "going to the people" planned for 1874. Vtіm, tse buv not navit organizations zahіd, but spontaneous movement of radical youth. The groups of "chaikivtsiv" did not have a lot of members, a lot of people were destroyed "to the people" by the spring of 1874 - from St. Petersburg, Moscow, Saratov, Samaria.

Lavrists and bakunins came to the village: the first - with a pre-stroke method to rewire the people from the revolutionary soul, others - spodіvayuchis yogo to the rebellion. The revolutionaries disguised themselves in village clothes, stocked up on false passports, hired themselves as teslas, vantagers, and peddlers. A special scope for "going to the people" reached the Volga region. The main set of mandrіvnih propagandists was made up by a large number of students, and a lot of bulo and representative officers, officials, okremі assistants and navit girls-aristocrats were called.

The villagers were eager to talk about the scarcity of land, the burden of the huge payments. But the preaching of socialism to success is not small. The quarrelsomeness, with which that propaganda was conducted, did not allow the Narodniks to grow a true visnovka like that, which gave socialist views to the people's views.

The rise of the rebels did not go anywhere. The police got alarmed and began to turn around all the suspects. 770 people were caught before the inquiry. All the propagandists went to the city. "Going to the People" inspired the ideas of Bakuninism and adopted the broader ideas of Tkachev. Among the Narodniks, a reconciliation took place, that in order to prepare the revolution, it was necessary to create a mitzna organization.

In 1876, a new organization was named after the old name - "Land and Freedom". Before the її warehouse uvіyshov a number of utsіlіlіh vіd arestіv uchasnikіv "going to the people" - M. A. Natanson, G. V. Plekhanov and іn. S. L. Perovska joined earlier. There were over 150 cases in the organization. "Land and Freedom" was inspired by ambushes of centralism, even a weak one. The core of the її buv is "the main gurtok". Suspіlstvo was divided into sprat groups. "Selovinniki" - the largest group that was directly assigned to work among the villagers. Other groups are small to conduct propaganda among workers and students. The "disorganization group" is small in terms of bringing discord to the lava of enemies, victorious shpiguniv.

The head meta of suspіlstva was used by the preparations for the people's socialist revolution. Members of the "Earth and Freedom" were not able to carry out a rose-explaining work among the villagers - like a verbal form, and looking like "propaganda with facts". Terroristic activities were allowed only a few vipadkas for self-protection.

The program of the welfare was talking about the transfer of the entire land to the hands of the villagers and about the freedom of worldly self-regulation. The landowners learned the lesson from the recent "mood", hanging close and wise to the villagers.

6th breast 1876 "Land and Freedom" organized a demonstration in front of the Kazan Cathedral near St. Petersburg. Thousands of people were urged to take the place of the chervonim ensign. Ale got less than 300-400 points. The police attacked them with guards, clerks, vantagers, and a beating began. Nearly 20 people were arrested, and others broke up. Nezabar p'yatoh sent to hard labor, 10 people sent. Such a savage reprisal against the participants in a peaceful demonstration called out a streak and remembrance in the suspense.

After a recent demonstration, the populists decided to become angry again with the robots in the countryside. Inspired by the "flying propaganda", the landowners settled in groups in the Volga region, on the Don and Kuban. It seemed to me that there, live the traditions of the Cossack freemen, retelling about Razin and Pugachov, it would be easier to rouse the people to the rebellion.

The "osila" did not bring great success. The landowners lost heart, not wisely, trying to raise the negain people to the rebellion. Populist settlements were quilted by the police. Until the autumn of 1877, the maize was not left behind. A serious crisis was brewing at Zemlі ta Volі.

Literature

Gromakov S.G. History of Russia. M., 2008.

Kramor A.K. History of Vitchizni. M., 2007.

Akaev A.L. History of Russia. SPb., 2007.

Grizlov K.V. History of Russia: from the most recent hours of the Don. M., 2006.

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ABSTRACT

By course "History of Russia"

on the topic: “Community Rukh in Russia in the 60-70s. ХІХ century»

1. Movement for a constitution

Following the Manifesto on February 19, 1861 in the orderly policy, changes were made not for the better. Alexander II, appearing no longer able to resist the pressure from the side of a part of the courtiers, the old bureaucracy and the kriposniks. Helping the quarter 1861 ON THE. Mіlyutіn buv vilucheniy z plant comrade minister of internal affairs. Vin pishov, not completing the project of the zemstvo reform (before the additions after the yogic restructuring). P. A. Valuev, the new Minister of Internal Affairs, tried to conduct a protective course.

However, in the countryside, a huge undertaking continued, which appeared in advance of the strong character. Formerly, during the hours of the Decembrists, there was a feed about the calls of the people's representatives, about the constitution. At the fierce 1862 p. The Tver nobles at their provincial gatherings declared that the ranks showed complete incompetence. And in the address on the name of the emperor, it was said: “The call of the chosen ones from the Russian land to become a single zasib for a satisfying celebration of food, destruction, but not allowed by the camp of the 19th fierce.” For a few days, a crowd of intermediaries of light has grown up near Tver. In a larger, sharper form, the stench repeated the main points of the resolutions of the nobility's gatherings.

A mustache of 13 participants for the sake of the light intermediaries was planted before the Peter and Paul Fortress. The court condemned them until the freedom of the will on the lines from two to two out of half a year. Truth be told, the stink of the stench was pardoned without a hitch, and planted from the fence.

On the cob 1863 the insurrection at Poland fell. Nezabar it spread to Lithuania and Western Belarus. Viysk was directed against the rebels. Massive reprisals were carried out near the district of the rebellion. The supporters of the rebels tried to enlist the support of the support of foreign powers and the European great thought. Vinikla is not safe from foreign imports, and Russia at that time did not recall its military potential after the Crimean war. In such a situation, Valuev, having propagated to act like a representative body, in order to allow foreign enormity of pretexts for attacks on Russia.

At the quarter 1863 Oleksandr 11, having called out to the people for discussing Valuev's propositions. It was praised and the minister was entrusted with putting together the project. Provision was transferred at the warehouse of the Sovereign for the sake of elected representatives of the zemstvos for the preservation of all autocratic power. Ale in the fall of 1863 rock, if the project was ready, the threat of foreign introduction had already passed. In Poland and Lithuania, the remains of the rebellion were burning down. The project was edited to the archive. Valuev himself did not guess about the new 15 years.

Ale svavіllya that all-powerful bureaucracy called out razdratuvannya to instill in the greater versions of the government. Tse pozilyuvalo positions prihilniki predstavnitskogo arrange. U Sichni 1865 the Moscow nobility turned to the tsar with the address: “To complete, sovereign, you have founded a stately life to call on the high-profile gatherings of selected people from the Russian land to discuss the needs of the common power.” The address was blown by the muttering collections, which sounded the fuses against the oprichniks, who were repulsed by the tsar.

Oleksandr bov, even if he was dissatisfied with the address, ale, did not bazhayuchi stosunkiv iz vlivovym Moscow nobility, not getting into reprisals. Vіn got mad at him, who in the rescript in the name of Valuev voiced: “No one should take on himself in front of me the murmurings about the bed of coriste and the power’s consumption.” In a private conversation with one of the Moscow nobles, he said that he was willing to give bi “like a good constitution, not afraid that Russia would fall into pieces on the next day.”

Obviously, Oleksandr II was changed. In 1906, when the constitution was introduced, the Russian empire did not fall into pieces, although the introduction of the constitution inevitably caused new problems. Ale, the transition to the constitutional mode is historically urgent, and the future may have been not guilty of the traces of the right.

At the chest 1865 St. Petersburg provincial zemstvos set up the call of the “central zemstvos”. How many times did the authorities renew their repressions. The head of the governor M.F. Kruse was hung from the capital, and the Petersburg zemstvo was dissolved and not close to fate.

At this hour, the revolution for the constitution moved from the nobility to the zemstvo institutions. The ranks, having become unskinned prichіpki and obezzhennyami, to respect the zemstvos.

2. Radicals and power in the 60s.

Naprikintsy 1861 r. M. A. Bakunin appeared in the editorial office of the Herzen newspaper, who came from the Siberian message through Japan and the USA, who got to England. Having escaped from the long-awaited full, vin of obsession, impersonally gleaming, as if it were given to you, having thought. Herzen well with yogo bagatarіchny dosvіd gromadskoї ї raboti clearly bachiv, scho rich tsikh plans є adventurous. Ale pіd vpliv Bakunіn drank Ogaryov, wrong romantic. At once, the stench urged Herzen to support the Polish rebellion that was being prepared. Zhovtni 1862 r. Herzen instructed at the "Dzvoni" the recruitment to the Russian officers, calling out to the Polish patriots. Tsej krok vydshtovhnuv vіd "Dzvoni" rosіyskih liberalіv, yakі vydkidali method zbroynoї borobi.

Dissatisfaction with "Dzvonom" grew even in radical-democratic Russia. It was clear to the participants that Herzen should stand in darkened positions. At the best time, the stinks showed up to the new indulgence. The popularity and circulation of "Dzvoni" fell rapidly. In 1867 p. Vіn ceased to be seen.

Herzen did not hesitate to split the single opposition movement. And if the liberals and the radical democrats rose up, they didn’t know the place either in the quiet, or in the others, because the liberals and the democrats organically grew up in it. And not a moment in vіdsіkti vіd yourself neither those, nor else. Herzen died near Paris 1870

The closest sympathizer of Chernishev after death 1861 r. Dobrolyubova becoming M.A. Serno-Solovijovich. Possibly, taking part in the issuance of the newspapers of the Velikorus, which expanded in the autumn of 1861, the Velikorus saw the transfer to the villagers of all the land, such a stench koristuvali until 1861, freedom of speech and friend, the introduction of the constitution. The program of "Great Russian" was funded by the Union of Liberals. Before the time of the union with them, maybe, having become shy and Chernishevsky, which was celebrated by the great hostility of the Tver nobles.

Chernishevsky buv dosvіdchenim and truezim politician. Ale, krіm yoga will, the camp of democracy has grown radical moods. Vlitka 1861 a Moscow student, Pyotr Zaichnevsky, was arrested by his father for propaganda among the villagers. Having written the proclamation "Young Russia" at the vyaznitsa, as the country was widely spread. The author, having called out to "a crooked, unwelcome revolution, how can I radically change everything, everything without a fault, the foundations of the current welfare and bring misfortune to the ninth order." There was a supply of the communist organization with a huge spree, a huge swarming of children, shackling that sim's slut. The advent of the proclamation zbіglas z grandiose St. Petersburg fires in 1862. There were a few quarters, hundreds of people were left without a dahu over their heads. Cause pozhezh install not far away. Among the dwellers, there were a few people walking around, that the place was burning negativity.

The situation that has evolved, the hoarders of steep approaches have scurried. At the Lipnya, 1862 was arrested by N.G. Chernishevsky and N.A. Serno-Solovijovich. For a couple of months, “Suchasnik” was pinned. Chernishevsky was credited with compiling a proclamation “To the lord’s peasants in their benevolent corners”, directed against the tsar’s assistants. Two fates are close, while the Third branch was picking up the accusatory material, Chernishevskiy Provіv near the Peter and Paul Fortress. At the court of wines, coldly recounting the sound of the calls, more so, that they proved to be cunning. However, the Senate sentenced him to seven years of hard labor.

Later, there was a trial of Serno-Soloviyovich, a kind of arraignment for slander and having died on the way to Siberia. The conviction of Chernishevsky and Syrno-Solovijovich potentiated the radical mood of the youth. Even before the arrest of Chernishevsky Vinikl, the first revolutionary organization "Land and Freedom". The name of the bula was taken from Ogaryov's article "What do the people need?". On the back of the organization, Serno-Solovijovich was very attentive. Їy far away to create his own service in Moscow and other places, to arrange the release of illegal literature. After the arrest of Serno-Solovіyovich, the comradeship was stunned by students with little education. The stench rozrakhovuvali those scho, scho in 1863 p. there will be a peasant rebellion. If tsі nadії fell, "Land that will" self-dissolved.

Moscow's decision did not support the decision about self-dissolution. It began to make connections with the other groups of the "Earth and Freedom", which broke up, trying to draw them into the new organization. Її the students Mikola Ishutin and his cousin Dmitro Karakozov were stunned. The Shutints set their leaders in preparation for the peasant socialist revolution. Spochatku in their activities, having overcome the propaganda trick. Then the deacons of the Suspіlstva began to shirk to the tactics of individual terror. For the purpose of this method, the especially conspired group "Peklo" was created -

April 4, 1866 Oleksandr II walking at the Summer Garden. If you were out of the garden and sitting by the carriage, having sunk in the post, Kulya flew past, more people, like the order from Karakozov, stooped down, grabbed Yogo in the hand. Postrіl Karakozov having sent to the suspіlstvo in a dazzling rage. A bit about the "pekelna" zmovu was spreading. The police, who rushed about, seized the first-stuffed ones. At the red 1866 Bulo closed "Suchasnik".

Viysk minister D. A. Milyutin, having submitted a note to the tsar, in which it was reported that only subsequent reforms could start a revolutionary movement. The author of the note buv Kavelin. But there is little success. Olezhany Oleksandr II zrobiv turn ubіk vіd reshuffle. In a row, it was possible that all liberal ministries were removed. Only Milyutin left his job.

Settlement of the Minister of the People's Consecration of D. A. Tolstoy. Vіn putting universities under police control and making it easier for low-income young people to access them. The minister of the floor sighed, that the hulk of the storm itself was in the middle of the new one. Tim an hour, the key figure in the order became the head of the Third Division P. A. Shuvalov. Dopovіdayuchi about the nebezpeka, scho threaten the king, vіn not allowing you to step into the conservative policy.

3. Populism

At the turn of the 50s - 60s. XIX Art. among young people, they were that type of nihilist, a kind of image of Turgenev in the image of Bazarov. Vіdkidayuchi noble zaboboni and official ideology, nіgіlіst vvchav natural sciences, becoming a doctor, engineer, agronomist and bringing concrete retribution to people, without thick words and pishnyh declarations. Young people from different countries stretched themselves to the height of enlightenment. Prote after student's troubles 1861 r. A lot of students were excluded from universities.

Todi Herzen and writing in the “Dzvoni”: “But where do you go, youngsters, how did you close science? .. Tell you where? .. The people! To the people! - the axis of your place, vignants of science ... ”Bagato those who were “among the people” voluntarily, the police hanged others. Formerly stumped by the peasantry, the stench was hostile to yoga vigilance, dark and lawlessness. The image of the nigilista faded and faded into the background, and among the democratic youth (from the nobles and raznochintsiv) the ideas of “turning the obedience to the people”, selfless service to you, began to take root. "Kayuchiy nobleman" with a litter figure of the 60s - on the cob of the 70s. XIX Art.

Young women and girls became teachers, healers, paramedics. And some people went “to the people”.

Populism was formed by a strong movement from a powerful ideology. Bіlya її vytokіv stood Herzen and Chernishevsky. In their midst, populism declined in its most noble spirits: defending the interests of the common people, for the sake of the villagers, deep democratism.

In Herzen's and Chernishevsky's works, the Narodniks adopted the same negative attitude towards the bourgeois mode and faith in the socialist utopia. Tse porozhuvalo vіdomі protirіchchya. Fighting at the disgrace of the people, the stench jumped down and swallowed up those krіposnitskie remnants, like they respected the life of the people. Ale usunennya tsikh remnants (for example, pomіshchitskiy latifundіy chi selyanskogo without rights) little space for the development of capitalist loans in the countryside. Otzhe, the Narodniks involuntarily reacted to the melancholy of those who retorted. Ale stinks respected that Russia, relying on its communal traditions, can “jump” through the period of the bourgeois mode - once in the “wisely ruled” socialist supremacy.

The Narodniks did not attach any particular importance to the struggle for the constitution and freedom of the people. It was important that social freedom (violence in the wake of vigilance and exploitation) once again eliminated all the problems. Just as the Narodniks took their lot from the struggle for freedom of the people, then those who, with their help, were able to expand their propaganda in order to seize power and control socialism. This was the dark side of the ideology of populism.

Three currents in populism. P. L. Lavrov was the leading ideologist of populism. M. A. Bakunin and P. N. Tkachov. The stench ideologically rounded up three yogas: propagandistic, rebellious and zmovnitska.

Petro Lavrovich Lavrov (1823-1900) former professor of mathematics at the Artillery Academy, with the rank of colonel. Buv is close to Chernishevsky. In his early works, he acted like a harbinger of reforms. Ale, having become enamored of the minuscule politics of Oleksandr II, bachachi swaville, who is panuє in the country, Lavrov came to the thought of a revolution. In 1867 p. yoga was hung up to the Vologda province.

Lavrov wrote his famous “Historical Leaves” on the message. Himself vyslov having thought about the "unpaid borg" in front of the people. Lavrov podіlyav vіru vіru in socialism and low іnshih populist ideas (samobutnіstіnії іstorіchnogo rozії ії, hromada ії її її її її probable fret, another row of political nutrition in front of social ones). Having affirmed the need for a social revolution among the Duma, he stood on it until the end of his days. Ale vodnocha vin criticizing revolutionary adventurism. Vіn vkazuvav, scho it is not possible to "quapity" іstorіyu. The haste at the right preparation of the revolution will not give anything, blood and blood victims. The revolution, having taken Lavrov into account, can be prepared by the theoretical robots of the intelligentsia and by innocent propaganda among the people. Violence in the revolution, writing wine, can be reduced to a minimum: "We do not want a new violent power to replace the old." At 1870 p. Lavrov utik from zaslann and arrived to Paris. Behind the cordon of wines, I saw a magazine and a newspaper under the infamous name “Forward!”. For example, XIX century. Lavrov dedicating the surplus of his life to the achievements of the sociology school in the form of political activity and surplus life.

M.A. Bakunin followed the Polish rebellion by raising his activity in the international socialist Russia. The theory of ruin, which he had been guilty of for a long time, took shape in the new end of the anarchist war. The mustaches of modern powers, having shown guilt, were struck by strangled people. None of the reforms will change the current inhumane nature. You need to replace them with a revolutionary path and replace them with free autonomous partnerships, organizing "from the bottom of the hill." Bakunin saw the transfer of all the land to the peasants, factories, factories and capitals - to working unions, conjugation of the sim's and the blues, zaprovadzhennya suspіlnoe vyhovannâ children from the soul of materialism and atheism.

Bakunin became a member of the I International at the hour of the fall. Use the middle of the organization of the wines to fight against Marx. In 1872 p. Marx was far away from trying to get Bakunin out of the International. At the same time, from Bakuninim, a lot of working communities of the pivdenny lands of Europe came out of the new one. The International soon disintegrated, and Bakunin turned his attention to the organization of the European anarchist movement. The greatest success of the wines is available on the pivdni of Europe, the first for everything in Italy. Particularly eager to propagate anarchism were the highly qualified workers, as well as the lumpen-proletariat. Bakunin voicing them with the avant-garde of the robotic movement. In Russia, the wines have shown us the mustache of the peasantry. The Russian peasant was recognized as a "natural socialist".

Among the poorly educated people, having respected Bakunin, the most effective is “propaganda with facts”, to power uninterrupted riots, stand up, praise. Mayuchi zvichku to prove their theories in practice, organizing rebellions in Italy (bіla Bologna). The adventure ended in failure. Remain the fates of life in the great need. Bakunin died in 1876. near Berni (Switzerland) at the liquor for black-and-white, where they put yoga on yoga.

The followers of Bakunin worked in rich countries. In Russia, the stench became a significant death of the Narodniks, and for an hour rightly they tried to go as far as “propaganda with facts”.

In 1869, in the midst of the revolutionary youth in Moscow, a large student, Sergiy Nechaev, appeared. Vin sang that he had come for the tasks of the "Central Committee", which united all Russian revolutionaries. Rishuchy and immoral, Nechaev saying that the revolutionary is guilty of strangling all human feelings, tearing them with laws, propriety and morality of the old suspenst, that for the attainment of lofty goals, all goodness is suitable kimi.

A lot of young people drank a lot of Nechaev's drinks. Youmu was far away to pick up together the tricks of the Shutinsky group. Nechaev divided his organization into “fives” and prompted order and order. The lower “five” succumbed to the greater one, knowing only one її member, which brought to her the punishment of the beast and lashed out for their vicons. "Head P'yatirka" punished Nechaev as a member of the mythical "Central Committee". One of the members of the “leading fifty”, student Ivan Ivanov, Nechaev was suspected of being a representative and punished to be killed in order to “cement the blood” of the organization. Follow the wickedness of the deputy did not go far, and Nechaev big for the cordon.

The investigation showed an unfavorable picture of the Nechaev’s rights, and the government ruled against the Supreme Court. 87 people leaned on the lava of the courts. Having sentenced several members of the "leading five" court to hard labor, 27 osib - to conviction on a different term, the decision was right.

Nechaevskiy process of riches in the wake of the revolutionary movement. F. M. Dostoyevsky wrote the same novel “Bisi”. Nechaivshchina appeared not as a vicious episode, but as a sign of unsafe phenomena that were brewing in revolutionary Russia. In 1872 p. Switzerland saw Nechaev Russia as a criminal villain.

Petro Mikitovich Tkachov (1844-1885) was a member of the Nechaivsk organization. Judgment at the right of Nechaev, vin vіdbuv term u'yaznennya i bu v vyslaniya near the Pskov province. Zvіdti big for the cordon, de seeing the newspaper "Nabat". Tkachov stverdzhuvav, which is the closest meta socialist can be compared with a well-established, well-constructed, disciplined revolutionary organization. Do not waste time on propaganda, you can get power. After this, having propagated Tkachov, the revolutionary organization would stifle the existing conservative and reactionary elements of the suspenst, the old state power would establish and create a new state power. On the vіdmіnu vіd bakunistіv Tkachov vvazhav, scho power (before it is strong, centralized) saves itself and after the victory of the revolution.

From the end of the 70s. Tkachov's ideas began to make a mountain in populist Russia. The wine itself was born in 1882. fell ill with spiritual discord and died three years later.

One of the ideological champions of Tkachov was Zaichnevsky, a kind of dream about the "crooked, unwelcome revolution." But Tkachov drew his main ideas from some unknown piece of information. Vіn zrozumіv, scho brunt at tsimu dosvіdі - the creation of the strained and the auditory will of the kerіvnika of the organization, aimed at the hoarding of power.

4. Narodnitsky gardki on the cob of the 70s.

On the cob of the 70s. Petersburg, there were a few populist groups, on which M. A. Natanson, S. L. Perovska, and N. V. Tchaikovsky stood. In 1871 p. the stinks united and the members of the subdivisional partnership began to be called "chaikivtsy", in the name of one of the leaders. There was no suvoroy ordering here. The robot was on a good-natured basis of all and skin diseases. The celebration of the taєmnogo comradeship "chaikіvtsіv" vindicated Moscow, Kazan and other places. There were close to 100 osibs in the tsіy federation gurtkіv.

In 1872 p. Prince Petro Oleksiyovich Kropotkin (1842-1921), a geographer, a theorist of anarchism, joined the Petersburg group of "chaikivtsiv". Since the arrival of the group, the ideas of Bakunism began to expand, and when the group stood on the positions of lavrism. The main right of the Chaikivtsiv was propaganda among the workers. We tried to work hard and work in the countryside. On the cob 1874 a lot of “chaikivtsiv” were arrested.

Ale Areshti did not call for the "going to the people" planned for 1874. Vtіm, tse buv not navit organizations zahіd, but spontaneous movement of radical youth. The groups of "chaikivtsiv" did not have a lot of members, a lot of people were destroyed "to the people" by the spring of 1874 - from St. Petersburg, Moscow, Saratov, Samaria.

Lavrists and bakunins came to the village: the first - with a pre-stroke method to rewire the people from the revolutionary soul, others - spodіvayuchis yogo to the rebellion. The revolutionaries disguised themselves in village clothes, stocked up on false passports, hired themselves as teslas, vantagers, and peddlers. The Volga region reached a special scope of "going to the people". The main set of mandrіvnih propagandists was made up by a large number of students, and a lot of bulo and representative officers, officials, okremі assistants and navit girls-aristocrats were called.

The villagers were eager to talk about the scarcity of land, the burden of the huge payments. But the preaching of socialism to success is not small. The quarrelsomeness, with which that propaganda was conducted, did not allow the Narodniks to grow a true visnovka like that, which gave socialist views to the people's views.

The rise of the rebels did not go anywhere. The police got alarmed and began to turn around all the suspects. 770 people were caught before the inquiry. All the propagandists went to the city. "Going to the people" inspired the ideas of Bakuninism and adopted the broader ideas of Tkachev. Among the Narodniks, a reconciliation took place, that in order to prepare the revolution, it was necessary to create a mitzna organization.

In 1876 p. vinikla new organization with the old name - "Land and freedom". Before the її warehouse uvіyshov a number of utsіlіlіh vіd arreshtіv uchasnikіv "going to the people" - M. A. Natanson, G. V. Plekhanov and іn. S. L. Perovska joined earlier. There were over 150 cases in the organization. "Land and Freedom" was inspired by ambushes of centralism, even if it was weak. The core of the її buv is "the main gurtok". Suspіlstvo was divided into sprat groups. “Silniki” is the largest group that was directly assigned to work among the villagers. Other groups are small to conduct propaganda among workers and students. The “disorganization group” is small in terms of bringing discord among the lava of enemies, victorious spies.

The head meta of suspіlstva was used by the preparations for the people's socialist revolution. The members of the "Earth and Freedom" were not able to conduct a rhetorical work among the villagers - like in the verbal form, so in the "propaganda with the facts". Terroristic activities were allowed only a few vipadkas for self-protection.

The program of the welfare was talking about the transfer of the entire land to the hands of the villagers and about the freedom of worldly self-regulation. The landowners learned the lesson from the recent "mood", hanging close and wise to the villagers.

December 6, 1876 "Land and Freedom" organized a demonstration in front of the Kazan Cathedral near St. Petersburg. Thousands of people were urged to take the place of the chervonim ensign. Ale got less than 300-400 points. The police attacked them with guards, clerks, vantagers, and a beating began. Nearly 20 people were arrested, and others broke up. Nezabar p'yatoh sent to hard labor, 10 people sent. Such a savage reprisal against the participants in a peaceful demonstration called out a streak and remembrance in the suspense.

After a recent demonstration, the populists decided to become angry again with the robots in the countryside. Inspired by the “flying propaganda”, the landowners settled in groups in the Volga region, on the Don and Kuban. It seemed to me that there, live the traditions of the Cossack freemen, retelling about Razin and Pugachov, it would be easier to rouse the people to the rebellion.

The activity did not bring great success. The landowners lost heart, not wisely, trying to raise the negain people to the rebellion. Populist settlements were quilted by the police. Until the autumn of 1877, the maize was not left behind. A serious crisis was brewing at Zemlya ta Voli.

Literature

Gromakov S.G. History of Russia. M., 2008.

Kramor A.K. History of Vitchizni. M., 2007.

Akaev A.L. History of Russia. SPb., 2007.

Grizlov K.V. History of Russia: from the most recent hours of the Don. M., 2006.

For Oleksandr III liberal movement experienced important times. Minister of Internal Affairs D. A. Tolstoy fought against Zemstvo liberalism by one of his direct policies. " Zemsky Union» embarrassment buv to pin your activity. Zemstvo counter-reform was not a problem.

A lot of zemstvo practitioners also went to the “little right”, in order to increase the literacy, enlightenment, and culture among the people. But on the grounds of "little rights" that "cultivation" stench stumbled from the problems of the imperial power, and they chided them. Qi jokes expanded and improved the liberal program.

At the fate of the reaction, the constitution died out; in liberal Russia, it entered a different plane. Vimogi hung out, viroblenі vhodyachi from zemstvo practice:

1. zagalnoy postal education;
2. skasuvannya corporal punishment;
3. creation of a rural zemstvo unity with the improvement of hair management.

The police persecution of the Committee of Literacy called out the protests of the Free Economic Sector, the oldest social and scientific organization, founded in 1765. At 1895 p. Count Petro Oleksandrovich Geyden (1840-1907) There was a lot of fussing about the skasuvannya of corporal punishments and the zaprovadzhennya of the infamous teaching. The Suspіlstvo made wide doors for the public, asking guests to attend their meeting. Vono turned into his own club, in which the most important meals were discussed.

The order is forcibly patient " a nest of sedition» near the Center of St. Petersburg. In 1898, when the villagers were starving for a while, food was supplied until the order of the day of the Partnership. This discussion was accompanied by criticism of Uryad. At the vіdpovіd vlada stopped publishing in the newspapers about the meetings of the Association and allowing outsiders to attend them. Suspіlstvo zobov'yazali before. set the program of your meetings. As a sign of protest, she pinned down a raucous assembly of her members.

In 1883 p. the Association of Russian Doctors was founded on the riddle about N.I. Pirogov. The head of the Association of the Association was fighting at the power of the Pirogivsky z'їzdіv. The Zemstvo doctors took an active part in their robots, they destroyed the food about the punishment of the corporal punishment and the fate of the aid of the starving. Vlada vіdhilila qi klopotannya yak " what does not support the statute» Pirogivskogo partnership.

Nutrition of the rural zemstvo unit against the urgent needs of the zemstvo state. In the world of yoga, it became more and more important to develop it without intermediary from the center of the country without intervening lines. The zemstvo zemstvos agreed that the volost zemstvos would help them get closer to the villagers and win them over from the liberal movement. Mіstseva vlada often hindered the discussions about the nutrition of the rural zemstvo unity. Zemstvos submitted skargi to the Senate, and in 1903 p. Ryazan zemstvo far away to win the right of the Senate.

The development of the zemstvo statehood, the steps taken by the zemstvo movement, again put food for the coordinating body on kshtalt " Zemsky Union". In 1896 p. On the eve of the coronation of Mikoli II, the head of the Moscow Provincial Zemstvo Administration D. M. Shipov, having proponuvaty heads of the provincial administrations of the authorities. Persha is so juicy, with the permission of the administration, she went to that fate at the All-Russian exhibition near Nizhny Novgorod. Ale of offensive fate Minister of Internal Affairs I. L. Goremykin zaboroniv zustrіch.

Z 1899 In response to the initiatives of the princes Peter and Pavel Dolgorukov, prominent zemstvo deacons began to gather at private meetings for conversation. Tsey gurtok was called that. Rozmova". More often than not, only the zemstvo-governor's meals were discussed, and then they moved on to political ones.

Liberal Rukh quite rightly went to sleep. IN like the 19th century it was not surrounded by a narrow stake of nobles. Before that, a significant part of the Zemstvo intelligentsia was included. Vono took over university professors, scientific and educational partnerships, expanded its contribution to the Russian intelligentsia. For numbers and activity, the liberal tabir is now not compromising the conservative, although it does not compare with the radical democratic.

liberal populism. Following the rout " People's Will» To commemorate the role of populist Russia, it began to play the role of peaceful, reformist directly, having omitted the name of liberal populism. The name is not entirely accurate, but it still got lost in the borders of the democratic camp.

Liberal Populists they spoke summaries that Russia had established real capitalism. Banks, joint-stock companies, stock exchanges are still only superficial phenomena, little connected with the depths of people's life. Aje the peasant does not buy shares, do not go to the stock exchange. Identity tse still not capitalism, tse " gra y capitalism”, The liberal populists were firm. That is why it is possible for capitalism to disappear, supporting the mass, the art and other less collective forms of warfare, the name of the Russian people. Such forms of practice were called " folk virobnitstvom". Liberal populists made low calls for their support: expansion of the peasant land by way of resettlement and purchase of land from treasuries and helpers, provision of villagers with cheap credit, equalization of their rights with other camps.

Really until the end of the XIX century. « games with capitalism"We went already to finish far away. Maybe, out of stubbornness, out of curiosity, the Narodniks recounted this fact. In fact, the program was aimed at a broader development of capitalist funds - on a democratic basis.

The ideas of liberal populism expanded especially widely among third element» at the zemstvo. But having injected that authority of the ideologists of the current (N. K. Mikhailovsky, V. P. Vorontsov, S. M. Krivenko and others) they went far beyond the inter-zemstvo intelligentsia.

Mykola Kostyantinovich Mikhailovsky (1842-1904) born at the metro station Meshchovsk Kaluzka province. The longest hour of wine was one of the editors. Vіtchiznyanyh notes”, pіdtremuvav zv'yazok іz narodnaya voltsy. In their pidpilnyh sheets of wine, he spoke out for the constitution, for shouting to the Zemsky Sobor, vvazhayuchi zmovu with an extreme vimushenim for fighting. On February 1, 1881 Mikhailovsky was hung from the capital. If the effort ended, I became a spivpratsyuvati at the magazine " Russian wealth”, the writer V. G. Korolenko who saw such a letter. This chasopis is published as the leading organ of the liberal populists.

Mykhailivskyi was a publicist, literary critic and philosopher. Yogo's wife had the idea of ​​specialness. Її the development of wines, having respected the benchmark of historical progress. Zagalni laws of history, writing wines, signify less order, in which historical epochs go one by one. Concrete zmіst epoch is rich in why to lie in the form of people. The specialty is alive, Mikhailovsky insisted, “to set goals in history” and “ rush up to them» through usi pereshkodi. Mikhailovsky's theories enlivened the youth, wielded in them an active attitude to life, which was especially important for the fate of the reaction.

In special stosunkas Mikhailovskiy buv streaming, winding up trochs of dryness, unique in garish phrases, but close people recognized this gentry, great self-discipline and diligent turbotlivist to all whom he loved, respected, valued (there were a lot of such people ).

Ale, human friendship is thin fabric, that road is German. Mykhaylivskiy zreshtoy rose and from Vorontsov, and from Krivenok. Crime of special conflicts, played the role of that power in the eyes.

Vasil Pavlovich Vorontsov (1847-1918) resembling a famous noble family, if you are close to " Chaikivtsy", lying down to the faded laurels. Bagatorichna work at the zemstvos has outdone yoga with those who have no hope for the success of the revolutionary agitation among the villagers. Zalyakane and downtrodden, they don’t trust third-party people and live a special life, realizing their creative vibes in the community, artil, laboring peasant family.

Vorontsov, a talented scholar-economist, has worked on the great work of processing the material accumulated as a result of zemstvo statistical studies. Yogo pratsi significantly expanded the knowledge of the village community. Previously, they talked a lot about her, and they quarreled, but little did they know. Mikhailov highly appreciated the economical work of Vorontsov, but denounced his transcendental inundation with the ideas of Russian self-reliance. It seemed to you that Vorontsov was already idealizing peasantry.
It was especially difficult for me to endure the Mikhailovsky rupture Sergiy Mikolayovich Krivenko (1847-1906). The person is more kind, gentle, tolerant, Krivenko was inspired by his affection and cordiality. The first call of wines was especially, in an iconic garni: thick black hair and a beard framed a brown, three summary eyes and a pale high cholo.
Krivenko, having taken into account that an intelligent person can be engaged in both rosum and physical practice. Vіn did not trim the servants at the hut, which was unusual for quiet hours. I couldn’t stand the daily privileges due to the promotion to myself and that I was inspired by the increased fee. Vitchiznyan's notes". Mikhailovsky todі saying. Youmu in hearts: " Serezhenko, you - the icon».

Tying your hour z " by the people's will”, Krivenko, having visited the clerk and the messenger, and after turning around, began to write about the rural readers, doctors, about the unknown, but I will need such a robot. Mikhaylivsky, having thrown a sermon "the theory of small rights" to you at the door. Krivenko opined that “the little ones can do it” can be formed by the great and serve great goals.

The favorite topic of publicism of Krivenka was the earth-growing masses, like the intellectuals did. I knew that maybe all the similar ones ended in failure. The intellectual community fell apart in the wake of internal chaos and mutual intolerance. Ale vіn vvazhav, scho vіdbuvalosya through those scho і the masses were created on ethical, Tolstoy principles, and economic tasks were directed to another plane. Vіn mriyav to organize such a bulk, as if it would not put special righteousness as a mark of achievement, but rather would take a businesslike, socially coherent directive. Vtecha vіd mіskogo zhittya, turning to nature Krivenko, having respected the inner need, which is thrown around by a modern person. " And if the desert comes, then go to the mountains ...»- Guiding the words of the Bible.

Vіn bought a lot of land near Tuapse and tried to organize an earthwork community. Despite the majesty of the susilla, the repair all the same ended in failure. Krivenko died in Tuapse from heart disease, not having lived to 60 years.

1. Liberals and conservatives. n n Conservative in a straight line - apparently the immutability of the political order, I will. Liberal-opposition straight away - hoarders of democratic freedoms. Democratic freedoms: Freedom of conscience, freedom to become a krіposnitsky, freedom of speech, freedom to others, publicity and publicity to the court.

n n n Liberals: The adoption of the constitution and the promotion of popular representation. At 1862 p. The Tverskoy nobility sent Alexander2 to the address, from which it was directed in accordance with its becoming privileges. “We are in awe,” it was said at the address of the Tver nobility, that the transformations are overwhelmed with unsuccessful shards, they are accepted without drink and the knowledge of the people. The choice of all the Russian lands represents a single zasib for the complete relief of the food of those who have been damaged, even if they are permitted by the Regulations of the 19th fierce ". Z sheet A.I. Kosheleva, 1859: “We are for autocracy. Representation is now impossible for us, for in the new nobility the role of the nobility will play a role, our camps will rot, if the constitution is foretold, it is the greatest evil for the state. Give it an hour: autocracy is possible, as long as there is no other strength that can surround it. Tsієї strength is dumb, їy needs to be blamed, unfolded and zmіtsnіti. The sound of the villagers can be the first crack ".

n n n - How did the liberal spirits lie before the need to adopt a constitution? Usvidomlyuychi, the obscenities of the autocracy, the middle of the lіberlib bouvno dumka (the cowo Termіniv request for the constitutes. Another part of the mind brought about the exchange of reforms, sought to promote their progress. So the young generation of zemstvo deyachivs wanted to expand their rights, expand the freedoms of the people, create central representative institutions, but they did not know the wisdom of the authorities. Tse priyal to a distant disengagement of the liberal movement.

n n Zemstvos for all their communion of functions were liberally established, which were formed as a result of elections. Shards of the head office of the zemstvos helped the large number of villagers-kripaks (attached shkіl, likaren, veterinary stations), then the liberal movement was added. On post. 60s becoming a split among liberal Russia A group of professors from St. Petersburg came to the table through suvori come in against students. suvoro strangled Chastina was sued for the punishment of Zhorstok Statty M. Katkov was sharply criticized by prisoners in the independence of Poland

Russian conservators. n n M. N. Katkov. - the main ideologist and supporter of the conservative course. The headline goals of which directly suspіlnoї dumki used to prove the perniciousness of liberal and especially radical ideas, like destroying “populism” and leading to a revolution. The magazine "Russian Visnik" became the leading body of the conservatives.

Zemsky Rukh. n n n Zemtsі – fiendish creations of the reforms of 1864 Zemstvos are the organs of local self-regulation. End of the 70s - post. 80s - pidyom zemstvo Rukh. They tried to expand their rights, and the creation of central bodies of people's representation, the expansion of freedoms of the people. 1879 - taєmniy z'їzd zemstvo deyachiv near Moscow. Decision to start: organize protests of zemstvos in order to further the political reforms. Rukh did not become popular, but we would break apart.